[u][b]May 24th, 1980[/b][/u]

[b]Esfahan, Persia[/b]

Mahmud Hotami, first delegate of the cabinet and chairman of the Socialist Party of Persia[retcon, not the Communist Party anymore or ever], couldn't help but have a bout of incredulity each time he looked outside the glass walls of his office. 30 years in clandestinity followed by 10 in the official opposition had left their mark in his character. At times he would find himself looking suspiciously at his aids, wondering to what extent they could be trusted. This habit wasn't an entirely bad one in politics, especially not in the current times. He was to meet his secretaries of foreign affairs and of defense in a few minutes' time on the issue of the imminent war in Africa. As he stared at the brown, burnt rooftops of the city, he was left to ponder whether the world was on the verge of a new conflagration. The nuance, this time, was that weapons were far deadlier, and the actors even less honorable. There was no doubt that at the first occasion, VX would be used to exterminate the civilians of the other side. It seemed to the first delegate, who would have been grandfather had his children not been 'taken' in their youth by the agents of the ISIIS, a long time ago - when he was presented with the opportunity to learn the truth, he had preferred to leave all that in the past - that human life was worth even less nowadays than in his own youth. Even they who had caused the Great War felt some reluctance to send the youngsters of their nation to death, whereas the leaders of today seemed to play war like a game. And in this game, none was ever sure of his friends and foes. Persia was still considered little more than a colony by the capitalists whose industry it fed, and even after the victory of the forces of progress at home, China did not seem to so much as notice the existence of its brothers and sisters. Hotami held a particular grudge against China, which had time and again rejected his party's plea for help. Perhaps it wasn't such a bad thing, though, seeing how subservient it expected its 'allies' to be. Socialist as he was, he also believed his people deserved respect- all peoples, for that matter, which is why he gravitated towards the SPP in the first point- and would not accept hegemony and imperialism in any form, whether bourgeois or supposedly proletarian. 
'The time of lofty idealism is long gone,' did he correct himself, knowing full well that in what was to come isolation would not be an option.

He heard someone knock on the door.

"Agha Hotami, General Ganji and Khanom Kowsar have arrived." announced the secretary.

"Let them in."

The two came in, nobly, with a steely gaze, albeit for opposite reasons. Without a word, Hossan summoned them to his desk. Very matter-of-factly, he asked: "Well, you know the situation. Agha Ganji, what do you have to say?"

"The High Command refuses any intervention against Spain. It is not our war, and even if it were, we would stand no chance." His point was clear, to the very least.

"Khanom Kowsar?"

"As a citizen of Persia, as a proud human being, I say this aggression is unacceptable." Her taunt was obvious. No military man could be attacked on his pride. "Spain has proven, once again, that all it seeks is global domination and the enrichment of its oligarchs. It is an imperialistic power which imperils the stability of the entire world, not to mention freedom and human dignity. It cannot be allowed to pursue its expansion, or it will devour us all. Already it has re-enslaved a third of Africa; soon it will close off the Mediterranean, to no one's benefit but its 
own. Spanish rule would mean a return to the dark age." 

The general promptly fired back: "Whose dark age would you rather have ? May I remind you just a few years ago Persia was at war with China's minions?"

"Does resistance to Spain mean surrender to anybody else? Who here exactly is supposed to protect Persian territory? Do you mean you..."

Hotami could sense his friend about to make a disastrous comment. It was time to bring back order to the discussion. "Enough!" he commanded. "It is our nation's interests which are at stake here. It is no time to settle your personal misgivings. Pray remind me what is at stake, and what we have to lose or gain. I dare hope it will bring back some sense to you."

Ganji argued: "As far ar the army is concerned, it is a conflict between two states with which we are neither allied nor in conflict. We have no obligation to act."

Leila Kowsar, fiery as always, though slightly more composed than previously: "A foreign power with few interests aligned with ours, and in fact oftentimes conflicting, as concerns oil, Armenia, Africa, is attempting to invade a friendly state with which we have cooperated in Arabia, the Ottoman Empire and Armenia, with which we have ever closer economic ties, and which has been, just as us, a consistent foe of imperialism. Ethiopia fights alongside Persia for respect and control of its destiny."

"Yet we are not Ethiopia." countered the ageing man. "And we are not free to send troops around the globe. We must already maintain order in Azerbaijan and Arabia, not to mention India. We are already overstretched. For all your talks of dignity and respect, you must realize Persia is not as powerful as the West. We are not in measure to directly confront one of the strongest and most advanced armed forces in the world. India was a proxy war, where no one was willing to directly get involved. That is what allowed us to match the ASB."

This show of humility was certainly surprising to Hotami and Kowsar. The premier, bringing back the subject to what he had intended to speak of first and foremost, advanced: "All this talk is good, but perhaps before projecting any sort of action, we must ask what is at stake. What may happen from now? Agha Ganji, for all your reservations, what is the most plausible course of events, at least from a strategic point of view?"

"Ethiopia has proven its capabilities in the past, but never before has it had to face such an opponent as Spain. It has rarely fought a symetrical war; Egypt had been in disarray for decades, its army was underfunded and attacked on two fronts. It is a given Spain will secure the canal. Thereafter the Red Sea will be open to reinforcements. I suppose the goal is Addis Abeba. A pincer movement is probable. That is where Ethiopia might balance the [i]rapport de force[/i]. Once in Ethiopian territory, the Spanish army will be vulnerable to guerilla. It remains to be seen, but France and Germany could get involved."

The Secretary of Foreign Affairs voiced her fear of such a scenario. "That would be a disaster. It would mark the second colonization of Africa. The Mashriq, still in the aftermath of the Ottoman Empire's demise, would be the easiest of targets. It would be miraculous if they do not try to stir trouble in Arabia and Iraq. Spanish companies have been regularly attempting to tap into oil fields well on our side of the border. In any case, an ethiopian defeat would mean a radical upsetting of the global balance of power."

"What must I make of this?" said the frustrated Hotami. "One of you tells me military intervention is impossible, and the other that action is indispensable. You are dismissed. I will reconvene the council at a later time."

After their departure, brooding as he gazed outside, a fleeting thought crossed his mind. 

"Where are we now?"

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