I am currently looking for arbiters for a new roleplay I am launching, World in Madness. The basic pitch is as follows:
You are the executive administration of a modern nation emerging from a bitter global cataclysm. It is your task to sway a cynical populace toward your ideals and navigate a world polarized by ideologues and threatened by the specter of the apocalypse. You will guide your the broken remains of a state and reforge the ashes into a bright dawn.
The setting is most aptly described as a roughly dieselpunk-apocalyptic setting heavily augmented by the physics and patterns of our own world. Various superweapons beyond nuclear technology will eventually be available, some of which will not be strictly scientific.
In the initial application phase, interested parties will send in the manifestos of their administration, and then be returned key events in their historical timeline that tie them to the rest of the world. In the final application phase, prospects send in a comprehensive information sheet including their administration's view of their history. After this, a full public and private national information sheet will be assembled with the information the interested has given and a full report of their nations inner workings.
Posts are from the perspective of primary sources in the nation, often state newspapers and required readings, although possibly more independent sources. As such, no post is ever considered actual canon. Two sides can both claim they won a conflict when in reality they tied. Very little minusha-moderation is required, as it is completely possible that multiple primary sources claim different versions of events.
As a note about my personal directing style, I do enforce minimum word counts and a strict style guide. Given such, I have never had to kick anybody for bad writing; only because they broke hard rules. If you are extremely uncomfortable with the idea of word minimums, this may not be the place to inquire. I try to be fair with the actual numbers; they are standards of effort rather than results. Until I see proof that less quantity leads to higher quality, I also won't buy any bit about quality over quantity. If you have further questions on stylistics than what is covered here, feel free to ask.
The roleplay is a competitive one, although not one that will permit blatant rudeness toward any arbitration. High spirits are to be expected but respect is demanded.
In an arbiter, I'm looking for somebody above all committed to creating an immersive and compelling experience. No particular skillset is required, although arbiters will be tasked with interpreting player agendas and formulating results and player information sheets. Some experience with GMing in the past (even if not forum-based or NRPs) is preferred although not required. In addition, one of the chief roles of arbiters is creative development, and in this it should be noted that I am rarely looking for an argument so much as case to be made for a change and/or a diagnosis of an issue. Respecting a design process is key here. Finally, the role of an arbiter also extends into keeping the OOC community active. It is my personal experience that groups of any size live or die based on their OOC activity and bonds with one another, even over the internet.
If you're interested, please say so. I have a fledgling discord set up but if you aren't really sure you want to take the plunge then PMing me or just asking questions is likely the best course of action.
Concept art: Title: Discord Icon: Chalam System: (Chalam system, from left to right: Shemensh, the star, Nagah, the stellar satellite, Sheol the Red Planet, Kokhav, Homeworld, Levanah her moon, Shamayhim the Blue Planet, Madim the Gas Giant, her moon the silent Shabbatai, and the Kesil Belt.) Preliminary Physical Map:
ACCORDING to the formal division of the subject of these papers, announced in my first number, there would appear still to remain for discussion two points: ``the analogy of the proposed government to your own State constitution,'' and ``the additional security which its adoption will afford to republican government, to liberty, and to property.'' But these heads have been so fully anticipated and exhausted in the progress of the work, that it would now scarcely be possible to do any thing more than repeat, in a more dilated form, what has been heretofore said, which the advanced stage of the question, and the time already spent upon it, conspire to forbid.
It is remarkable, that the resemblance of the plan of the convention to the act which organizes the government of this State holds, not less with regard to many of the supposed defects, than to the real excellences of the former. Among the pretended defects are the re-eligibility of the Executive, the want of a council, the omission of a formal bill of rights, the omission of a provision respecting the liberty of the press. These and several others which have been noted in the course of our inquiries are as much chargeable on the existing constitution of this State, as on the one proposed for the Union; and a man must have slender pretensions to consistency, who can rail at the latter for imperfections which he finds no difficulty in excusing in the former. Nor indeed can there be a better proof of the insincerity and affectation of some of the zealous adversaries of the plan of the convention among us, who profess to be the devoted admirers of the government under which they live, than the fury with which they have attacked that plan, for matters in regard to which our own constitution is equally or perhaps more vulnerable.
The additional securities to republican government, to liberty and to property, to be derived from the adoption of the plan under consideration, consist chiefly in the restraints which the preservation of the Union will impose on local factions and insurrections, and on the ambition of powerful individuals in single States, who may acquire credit and influence enough, from leaders and favorites, to become the despots of the people; in the diminution of the opportunities to foreign intrigue, which the dissolution of the Confederacy would invite and facilitate; in the prevention of extensive military establishments, which could not fail to grow out of wars between the States in a disunited situation; in the express guaranty of a republican form of government to each; in the absolute and universal exclusion of titles of nobility; and in the precautions against the repetition of those practices on the part of the State governments which have undermined the foundations of property and credit, have planted mutual distrust in the breasts of all classes of citizens, and have occasioned an almost universal prostration of morals.
Thus have I, fellow-citizens, executed the task I had assigned to myself; with what success, your conduct must determine. I trust at least you will admit that I have not failed in the assurance I gave you respecting the spirit with which my endeavors should be conducted. I have addressed myself purely to your judgments, and have studiously avoided those asperities which are too apt to disgrace political disputants of all parties, and which have been not a little provoked by the language and conduct of the opponents of the Constitution. The charge of a conspiracy against the liberties of the people, which has been indiscriminately brought against the advocates of the plan, has something in it too wanton and too malignant, not to excite the indignation of every man who feels in his own bosom a refutation of the calumny. The perpetual changes which have been rung upon the wealthy, the well-born, and the great, have been such as to inspire the disgust of all sensible men. And the unwarrantable concealments and misrepresentations which have been in various ways practiced to keep the truth from the public eye, have been of a nature to demand the reprobation of all honest men. It is not impossible that these circumstances may have occasionally betrayed me into intemperances of expression which I did not intend; it is certain that I have frequently felt a struggle between sensibility and moderation; and if the former has in some instances prevailed, it must be my excuse that it has been neither often nor much.
Let us now pause and ask ourselves whether, in the course of these papers, the proposed Constitution has not been satisfactorily vindicated from the aspersions thrown upon it; and whether it has not been shown to be worthy of the public approbation, and necessary to the public safety and prosperity. Every man is bound to answer these questions to himself, according to the best of his conscience and understanding, and to act agreeably to the genuine and sober dictates of his judgment. This is a duty from which nothing can give him a dispensation. 'T is one that he is called upon, nay, constrained by all the obligations that form the bands of society, to discharge sincerely and honestly. No partial motive, no particular interest, no pride of opinion, no temporary passion or prejudice, will justify to himself, to his country, or to his posterity, an improper election of the part he is to act. Let him beware of an obstinate adherence to party; let him reflect that the object upon which he is to decide is not a particular interest of the community, but the very existence of the nation; and let him remember that a majority of America has already given its sanction to the plan which he is to approve or reject.
I shall not dissemble that I feel an entire confidence in the arguments which recommend the proposed system to your adoption, and that I am unable to discern any real force in those by which it has been opposed. I am persuaded that it is the best which our political situation, habits, and opinions will admit, and superior to any the revolution has produced.
Concessions on the part of the friends of the plan, that it has not a claim to absolute perfection, have afforded matter of no small triumph to its enemies. ``Why,'' say they, ``should we adopt an imperfect thing? Why not amend it and make it perfect before it is irrevocably established?'' This may be plausible enough, but it is only plausible. In the first place I remark, that the extent of these concessions has been greatly exaggerated. They have been stated as amounting to an admission that the plan is radically defective, and that without material alterations the rights and the interests of the community cannot be safely confided to it. This, as far as I have understood the meaning of those who make the concessions, is an entire perversion of their sense. No advocate of the measure can be found, who will not declare as his sentiment, that the system, though it may not be perfect in every part, is, upon the whole, a good one; is the best that the present views and circumstances of the country will permit; and is such an one as promises every species of security which a reasonable people can desire.
I answer in the next place, that I should esteem it the extreme of imprudence to prolong the precarious state of our national affairs, and to expose the Union to the jeopardy of successive experiments, in the chimerical pursuit of a perfect plan. I never expect to see a perfect work from imperfect man. The result of the deliberations of all collective bodies must necessarily be a compound, as well of the errors and prejudices, as of the good sense and wisdom, of the individuals of whom they are composed. The compacts which are to embrace thirteen distinct States in a common bond of amity and union, must as necessarily be a compromise of as many dissimilar interests and inclinations. How can perfection spring from such materials?
The reasons assigned in an excellent little pamphlet lately published in this city, are unanswerable to show the utter improbability of assembling a new convention, under circumstances in any degree so favorable to a happy issue, as those in which the late convention met, deliberated, and concluded. I will not repeat the arguments there used, as I presume the production itself has had an extensive circulation. It is certainly well worthy the perusal of every friend to his country. There is, however, one point of light in which the subject of amendments still remains to be considered, and in which it has not yet been exhibited to public view. I cannot resolve to conclude without first taking a survey of it in this aspect.
It appears to me susceptible of absolute demonstration, that it will be far more easy to obtain subsequent than previous amendments to the Constitution. The moment an alteration is made in the present plan, it becomes, to the purpose of adoption, a new one, and must undergo a new decision of each State. To its complete establishment throughout the Union, it will therefore require the concurrence of thirteen States. If, on the contrary, the Constitution proposed should once be ratified by all the States as it stands, alterations in it may at any time be effected by nine States. Here, then, the chances are as thirteen to ten in favor of subsequent amendment, rather than of the original adoption of an entire system.
This is not all. Every Constitution for the United States must inevitably consist of a great variety of particulars, in which thirteen independent States are to be accommodated in their interests or opinions of interest. We may of course expect to see, in any body of men charged with its original formation, very different combinations of the parts upon different points. Many of those who form a majority on one question, may become the minority on a second, and an association dissimilar to either may constitute the majority on a third. Hence the necessity of moulding and arranging all the particulars which are to compose the whole, in such a manner as to satisfy all the parties to the compact; and hence, also, an immense multiplication of difficulties and casualties in obtaining the collective assent to a final act. The degree of that multiplication must evidently be in a ratio to the number of particulars and the number of parties.
But every amendment to the Constitution, if once established, would be a single proposition, and might be brought forward singly. There would then be no necessity for management or compromise, in relation to any other point no giving nor taking. The will of the requisite number would at once bring the matter to a decisive issue. And consequently, whenever nine, or rather ten States, were united in the desire of a particular amendment, that amendment must infallibly take place. There can, therefore, be no comparison between the facility of affecting an amendment, and that of establishing in the first instance a complete Constitution.
In opposition to the probability of subsequent amendments, it has been urged that the persons delegated to the administration of the national government will always be disinclined to yield up any portion of the authority of which they were once possessed. For my own part I acknowledge a thorough conviction that any amendments which may, upon mature consideration, be thought useful, will be applicable to the organization of the government, not to the mass of its powers; and on this account alone, I think there is no weight in the observation just stated. I also think there is little weight in it on another account. The intrinsic difficulty of governing thirteen States at any rate, independent of calculations upon an ordinary degree of public spirit and integrity, will, in my opinion constantly impose on the national rulers the necessity of a spirit of accommodation to the reasonable expectations of their constituents. But there is yet a further consideration, which proves beyond the possibility of a doubt, that the observation is futile. It is this that the national rulers, whenever nine States concur, will have no option upon the subject. By the fifth article of the plan, the Congress will be obliged ``on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the States which at present amount to nine, to call a convention for proposing amendments, which shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of the Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the States, or by conventions in three fourths thereof.'' The words of this article are peremptory. The Congress ``shall call a convention.'' Nothing in this particular is left to the discretion of that body. And of consequence, all the declamation about the disinclination to a change vanishes in air. Nor however difficult it may be supposed to unite two thirds or three fourths of the State legislatures, in amendments which may affect local interests, can there be any room to apprehend any such difficulty in a union on points which are merely relative to the general liberty or security of the people. We may safely rely on the disposition of the State legislatures to erect barriers against the encroachments of the national authority.
If the foregoing argument is a fallacy, certain it is that I am myself deceived by it, for it is, in my conception, one of those rare instances in which a political truth can be brought to the test of a mathematical demonstration. Those who see the matter in the same light with me, however zealous they may be for amendments, must agree in the propriety of a previous adoption, as the most direct road to their own object.
The zeal for attempts to amend, prior to the establishment of the Constitution, must abate in every man who is ready to accede to the truth of the following observations of a writer equally solid and ingenious: ``To balance a large state or society, says he, whether monarchical or republican, on general laws, is a work of so great difficulty, that no human genius, however comprehensive, is able, by the mere dint of reason and reflection, to effect it. The judgments of many must unite in the work; experience must guide their labor; time must bring it to perfection, and the feeling of inconveniences must correct the mistakes which they inevitably fall into in their first trials and experiments.'(Hume's ``Essays,'' vol. i., page 128: ``The Rise of Arts and Sciences.') These judicious reflections contain a lesson of moderation to all the sincere lovers of the Union, and ought to put them upon their guard against hazarding anarchy, civil war, a perpetual alienation of the States from each other, and perhaps the military despotism of a victorious demagogue, in the pursuit of what they are not likely to obtain, but from time and experience. It may be in me a defect of political fortitude, but I acknowledge that I cannot entertain an equal tranquillity with those who affect to treat the dangers of a longer continuance in our present situation as imaginary. A nation, without a national government, is, in my view, an awful spectacle. The establishment of a Constitution, in time of profound peace, by the voluntary ocnsent of a whole people, is a prodigy, to the completion of which I look forward with trembling anxiety. I can reconcile it to no rules of prudence to let go the hold we now have, in so arduous an enterprise, upon seven out of the thirteen States, and after having passed over so considerable a part of the ground, to recommence the course. I dread the more the consequences of new attempts, because I know that powerful individuals, in this and in other States, are enemies to a general national government in every possible shape.
The idea behind the roleplay is that each player takes upon the role of a historian contemporary to the events and documents the exploits of one ruler's reign. The style of the roleplay is that of a historical anthology chronicling the life and events of the various realms over several generations. Given that players take upon the role of a single historian, biases are intentionally prevalent. Contradictions are part of the premise itself; no document is a perfect truth. The voice of the historian is the primary agent of expression in the roleplay. A style guide will be included to lend credibility to the idea of a historical anthology of collected and translated contemporary pieces.
Rather than have players decide what reality is, a separate simulation will exist to supply writing material. The role of the historian is to interpret the simulation and provide details as they see fit. The simulation will contain great deals of depth, but will left intentionally abstract as to create varying interpretations and historical vagaries. The simulation itself will be controlled almost entirely by RNG, and a new generation will be iterated every so often to provide new depth. A Co-GM (should one apply) will be appointed to help with running the simulation. Thus, the roleplay will be split into two parts: the simulation, and the chronicles.
The responsibilities of the Co-GM are as follows: - Mediation: Should disputes arise between players, it your role to bring both players to PM between myself, yourself, and all engaged parties and help smooth over the dispute without taking an interest in any one party winning anything. Impartiality and compassion must be maintained in this endeavor. In general don't be a dingus. - Engagement: This doesn't necessarily translate to 'write five posts a week' but rather 'stay involved as much as possible'. By chatting with people in the live IRC (which should go up when the OOC does), the forum OOC (answering questions for new players, helping to give summaries of what's happening, etc.), and in general talking to people and making connections, you fulfill this responsibility. - Guidance: The major role of the Co-GM will be collaborating with myself to both make the simulation and provide as much auxiliary content (maps, graphics, trade records, censuses) as possible, as well as iterating the simulation in case of absence. Although the Co-GM will not be permitted to contribute to the IC in the same way as the players, it is their role to provide this sort of content and keep posts moving steadily along, as well as to help guide the story and provide prompts. - As a final note, Co-GMs do not have the luxury of the 'low committal' tag in the title. They are expected to be active. Leaves of absence are fine, but they require prior alert. If you are the sort of person that needs to devote the majority of their free hours to other commitments and those hours are in short supply, this likely isn't the role for you. If you believe this is the role for you, PM me and tell me why. I look forward to meeting you! (It should be noted that multiple may apply and be accepted. I presume one Co-GM throughout the document but in the event that the population of this roleplay swells it is entirely likely that more will be needed.)
The beauty of this model is that players are invited to stop in, write one chronicle, and back out if they get bored. Or you could write nothing and hang around in the OOC talking about the world and interesting things about it. You could also be active for a month before school/work/whatever starts again and hibernate for months, then come back into your groove afterwords. Any number of possibilities are fine. The roleplay will intentionally always be tagged 'Open' to signify that anybody can post whenever they feel like posting. Players have no responsibilities to any particular in-character entity to uphold. Thus the 'Non-Committal' tag.
Setting
The setting is similar to our own world circa 800 CE. That is, fuedalism is in full swing, chronicles are almost entirely about the church and various high nobles, most of society is agrarian, and sexism and xenophobia are rampant (see the rules regarding both of these). Some pockets of light exist, but they are hidden away by mystery and dense woodland.
Magic does exist in the setting, with a good many limitations. To begin, magic is (generally) only capable of creating circumstances which could have happened without it. Praying over an illness may perform a miracle, but it is also technically possible that the bacteria just packed up and left (sorta). Magic will intentionally be left abstract and mostly to the interpretation of the chronicler. In addition, almost all magic is performed by Holy Men. These may be saints, particularly faithful peasants, archbishops, or whomever a deity chooses to be righteous enough the perform miracles. They may also be a part of counter-religions such as Satanic cults that invest power into the thaumaturges. In the case of incredibly righteous or powerful individuals, magic may occasionally have more flashy effects such as flaming swords, glowing eyes, or similar phenomena. Approximately one in one hundred has the potential to be a miracle-worker of some kind, about one in two hundred actually is a holy man of this type, about one in one thousand has the ability to live twice the normal lifespan, and about one in one hundred thousand has the ability to produce aforementioned greater spectacles. Due to the relatively large amount of miracle workers, most towns have at least one with the ability to prolong lifespans and bless enough women that birth and child mortality rates are considerably lower than our world and the average lifespan is around sixty to seventy, or eighty if you make it to forty first. Most towns of considerable size have at least one elder who has lived a century. Oracles, more powerful magicians, also tend to have increased longevity.
As far as magical creatures are concerned, the only remotely common race is human. Some derivative creatures such as centaurs, giants, nymphs, and other fantastical beings may be found, but nine hundred and ninety nine out of one thousand will never lay eyes on one. About twenty exist in all of the world, and their whereabouts are rarely known. They do enjoy meddling in mortal affairs, and usually they have enough magical ability to do so, but rarely will they appear in their true form inside courts. More information on these creatures will be given in the OOC. It is conceivable that a history would include tales of a King collaborating with demons or vampires, but these tales would be almost entirely speculation. The power level of these creatures is comparable to a mythical demigod.
The extent to which magic is involved in your histories will likely be much greater than the role it plays in reality. Indeed, most of the above would be based on hearsay and almost no legitimate scientific accounts or records of any magic exist, although blessings of health and growth as well as blessings affecting the hardness of weapons and focus of warriors are common and certainly tend to create results.
Technology will roughly progress throughout the simulation in a manner very similar to our own. Should the roleplay reach a colonial era and/or a renaissance, these effects will be elaborated on.
Stylistics
In the interest of maintaining the style of a historical anthology translated from many tongues into the most accessible format possible, the followed stylistic rules will be in play:
- All measurements must be in the metric system, as the curator is presumed to have converted many differing unit systems into one standard. I chose metric over imperial due to the fact that one is objectively more standard than the other. I also live in America, and realize that many people don't know the metric system. If you have problems with unit conversions and don't want to google it, myself or a Co-GM will convert units upon request for you. Amounts of currency should be reported using the actual term for the particular currency of a nation.
- Only English language words should ever be used, and all proper nouns that cannot be translated into English should be spelled phonetically. It is presumed that the system of writing in all of the chronicles varies wildly. In general, try to preserve the integrity of the voice and culture without ever requiring a reader to put something into a translator to grasp all the meaning. Compound words like 'Whitehill' or 'Wisehorserider' used as transliterations from a fictional language used by the culture you are chronicling. What I mean by this will become more obvious as cases arise. As an example, using a German name for a character such as Hans Muller or Friedrich Fischer that translated to an English word like Miller or Fisherman would not be allowed. Instead, the chronicler should write Hans Miller and Friedrich Fisherman. Note that Hans and Friedrich are fine since they don't have translations to English that aren't proper nouns themselves. This is certainly one of the more confusing and obscure (not to mention occasionally subjectivity) directives but it's unlikely to come up terribly often.
- Chronicles are considered to be excerpts of much longer works. See the template below for how posts should be formatted.
Ruler Author Date of Publication
Body of Excerpt 1
Body of Excerpt 2
Your chronicles don't necessarily need multiple excerpts, but be aware that you aren't expected to write the full body of an actual complete history. As far as length requirements go, there are technically none. That said, posts MUST BE HIGH EFFORT regardless of length. It should be clear that time was spent making the post into a valuable contribution. Note that chronicles may be any of the following: poetic epics about the individual, genealogies of dynasties, law codes and edicts of a ruler, historical opinions about the individual, a documentation of their exploits, or a good deal more. The only rule regarding what a chronicle may be is that it may not have a date of publication more than ten years after the current year of the simulation. Chronicles may be written during the individual's life, shortly after their death, or after centuries of simulation years. All chronicles, however, should be about an individual generated by the simulation.
- Wordplay, rhyming, or otherwise relying on the English language itself to give a certain effect to a writing is heavily discouraged. The reasoning behind this is that these are translated documents, and any such wordplay, rhyming, or puns would be, as a result of them being based on the language they were written in, lost in translation. There are many good real world examples of this phenomenon, such as the Qur'an sounding considerably better in Arabic than English, the Odyssey having much better cadence in ancient Greek, and 'The Internationale' rhyming in French but not in the literal English translation. Think about what effect translation has on your document in general.
- A few general notes, remember to write out whole numbers between one and ten (weird rule but it exists), not to use contractions (this is considered bad form in longer writing), and use the Oxford comma (for the sake of authorial consistency). As well, using any kind of slang is heavily discouraged, and all prose should present dialogue in nonfiction format, not script or novel dialogue. Poetry obviously has a lot more freedom here, and the extent to which the 'curator' attempted to give cadence and rhythm to the poem versus using a literal translation can be played around with. Including graphics in your post may be helpful, but it's a good idea to PM a GM ahead of time if you plan to. Generally, graphics are likely more the role of the GMs since I have access to generation tools that allow me to produce a more uniform style. This isn't always the best case for things like portraits though, so if you have a strong interest feel free to PM. See the rule on the style guide for why this matters.
Rules
I. Be mature. There are themes in this roleplay that are, frankly, vile. The historians you are playing as don't usually think that. That is acceptable, but these themes should be handled with sensitivity. There is no reason to be more graphic than the extent you need to convey emotional detail.
II. Follow the style guide. Consistency in style is very important to his roleplay; the IC should seem like one volume translated by the same person, like one massive digital library formatted uniformly. This isn't because that is more loyal how history works, but rather because makes the IC look nicer and maintain consistency.
III. Go with the flow. Work within the simulation. You have wide latitude to outright lie and at times this is appropriate, but try to base your lies on things that happen in the simulation. As well, the more you reference (even if you don't corroborate) the chronicles of other authors, the more the world feels fleshed out and real. Most characters provided by the simulation will intentionally be tied to other characters to prompt you, but you need to do the heavy lifting. Remember, nobody 'owns' a character, a nation, or a culture.
IV. Try to stay active in the OOC even if you aren't writing. I know I said this wasn't mandatory, and it isn't, but it helps keep things alive through low activity-periods.
V. Don't be a dingus. Pretty self-explanatory.
If you're interested...
Well, thanks for the interest! Just leave a reply expressing such so I can ping you all when I'm done. Telling me a bit about the sorts of real world political scenarios you think would be cool to roleplay in would also be helpful for fleshing out the setting, as I am going to develop further mostly based on feedback. The time period bit is certainly rough, so don't feel constrained. I'm limited by the breadth of what myself and my Co-GM are proficient enough in to make a convincing simulation, but don't let that stop you from generating ideas. If you like an idea, then saying so by actually liking it and/or echoing it in your own comment will help elevate it on my radar.
@AtheistPaladin Hi there. I'd be interested in DMing for you. I have a group I'm starting to get together over Skype. We're fairly close knit but I doubt they'd object to another member. I run 3.5e although I'm also developing my own TTRPG and at some point in the future I may ask for playtesters.
Irregardless though, we play in Roll20. We tend to play exclusively through text although we're all comfortable voice and face chatting. The latter is strictly optional and if you aren't comfortable with it; no worries.
As far as the premise of the game, I tend to let the players drive the narrative as much as possible. I do extensive worldbuilding but I tend to selectively reveal it to players :-) The game hasn't actually started yet, I'm just kinda getting things together and I'm not totally sure who's going to be able to make it.
Ah. I'm not well versed in American history and the only things I know about Alexander Hamilton are from that damn musical that got stuck in my head for 4 months. Interesting how they can intertwine like that. Yes, Rome is my home, though I'd never survive in ancient Rome as much as I love it. Hah.
Ah, well great to meet ye anyhow!
From the short time I visited I can safely say Rome is a beautiful city, although I concur that I'd rather not face those mortality rates lol.
Publius Valerius Publicola, I presume? Does this mean I've already found a fellow fan of Roman History?! And by that, I mean, hello!
Yes, you did! This particular reference is to Alexander Hamilton (as well as Madison and Jay), as they collectively took the pseudonym 'Publius' when writing the Federalist Papers (thus the avatar). That said, Rome is equally lit and I figured I'd use my username to tie them together.
Also, hello!
EDIT: They were referencing Valerius Publicola, but they just used Publius for the sake of length.
Roleplaying career: How long have you been a roleplayer? (a) What was your first experience with it and when did it become a hobby? (b) Perhaps this is your first time; if so, don't hesitate to mention this. The Guild is full of experienced and helpful members that'll show you the ropes.
Roleplaying preferences: What are your favorite genres? (a) Do you prefer group roleplays or one-on-one adventures? (b) Are you more interested in fast-paced, back-and-forth roleplays or are you looking for complex, layered stories with huge posts and intricate lore -- or something in between? (c) Let us know and you might be approached by someone looking for fresh blood with something that's right up your alley. Doesn't get any easier than that.
Hobbies and interests: Tell us a little about yourself. What else do you do for fun besides roleplaying? (a) Videogames, sports, reading, scuba diving, space exploration, etc. You get the idea.
I. Roleplaying Career a. I've roleplayed for about a combined six odd years through Dungeons and Dragons and other forums initially. I later played other TTRPGs and began to develop my own. The latter of these developments focuses mostly on higher level roleplay (from my observations whilst lurking you lot appear to call this genre 'Nation Roleplay'). I'll elaborate more in ยง III.a. Most of this was done over text, so I have a fair amount of experience with text-based roleplay. b. My first experience was getting a D&D book from my parents. Really though, before this, I had read most classic fictions and had begun spinning my own world. Even after my first time playing I was drawn toward being a DM and especially the worldbuilding aspect. To this day I consider myself more of a worldbuilder than roleplayer
II. Roleplay Preferences a. My overall favorite genre is with little hesitation fantasy. I don't have the scientific merits to play real sci fi, and yet I have too many to enjoy most of it, although I do enjoy space fantasy (such as Star Wars and the Warcraft universe to a certain extent). Narrowed from fantasy, there are a great deal of subgenres nestled here that I can enjoy. In general, I like my worlds morally ambiguous but not edgy. Humans on the whole want to see themselves as good and tend to have a sense of when they have defined societal morals and the majority of them feel shame when they violate them, at least initially. At the same time, humans want power and will do most of anything to get it. Settings that grapple with both of these are my favorite, a prime example being A Song of Ice and Fire. As far as magic systems are concerned, I shift preferences every second minute. Sometimes I'll have gritty blood magic worlds, sometimes I'll have low magic worlds, and other times I go high fantasy. The one subgenre I tend to dislike is urban fantasy since I don't feel that the themes explored in most urban fantasy works are really the themes I find interesting. I'm open to being proven wrong; but I have yet to encounter this sort of thing done right. On a side note, I also tend to dislike anime, although if a suitably developed one is presented to me I am open to change. b. For forum roleplays with low committal rates, I have to say I am much more of a group person. I enjoy partnerships for development (I usually end up having co-GMs that I work very closely with), I don't really see the benefit in having two people versus many. Furthermore regarding the types of groups I enjoy, I have found that what works best on forums is projects that don't require long-term commitment and are open for virtually anybody to join in. c. Intricate lore is certainly my style. I tend not to write exorbitant amounts per post, but I am very keen on development and setting. After a brief look through the skill types and what they tend to entail, I'd say that I'd likely fit best in advanced. As far as volume goes I have a had time generating as much I saw in most of those, but that may also be the reason why most of the roleplays I have looked through on here and have been in myself burn out. That said, developmentally and stylistically, I fit in fairly well there.
III. a. Math. Lots of math. Math is fun. Spreadsheets as well. If I'm feeling adventurous/want to get paid I'll program and do some computer science shit. I'd consider myself a recreational mathematician and person who kinda likes physics at the moment. Beyond that though, as I mentioned, I am formulating an TTRPG. It's mostly about magic and fuedalism, and is a pretty crunchy simulationist sorta thing. It's fairly setting agnostic although it presumes some sort of fantasy setting (although space fantasy also totally works). The main premise is that all the players are magically inclined, and most of the time the world is a magocracy, but there's immense setting variety allowed. Above all the most major selling point I have the amount of customization. If you're interested in knowing more, PM me.
[hider=World in Madness: Hunt for an Arbiter]
I am currently looking for arbiters for a new roleplay I am launching, World in Madness. The basic pitch is as follows:
You are the executive administration of a modern nation emerging from a bitter global cataclysm. It is your task to sway a cynical populace toward your ideals and navigate a world polarized by ideologues and threatened by the specter of the apocalypse. You will guide your the broken remains of a state and reforge the ashes into a bright dawn.
The setting is most aptly described as a roughly dieselpunk-apocalyptic setting heavily augmented by the physics and patterns of our own world. Various superweapons beyond nuclear technology will eventually be available, some of which will not be strictly scientific.
In the initial application phase, interested parties will send in the manifestos of their administration, and then be returned key events in their historical timeline that tie them to the rest of the world. In the final application phase, prospects send in a comprehensive information sheet including their administration's view of their history. After this, a full public and private national information sheet will be assembled with the information the interested has given and a full report of their nations inner workings.
Posts are from the perspective of primary sources in the nation, often state newspapers and required readings, although possibly more independent sources. As such, no post is ever considered actual canon. Two sides can both claim they won a conflict when in reality they tied. Very little minusha-moderation is required, as it is completely possible that multiple primary sources claim different versions of events.
As a note about my personal directing style, I do enforce minimum word counts and a strict style guide. Given such, I have never had to kick anybody for bad writing; only because they broke hard rules. If you are extremely uncomfortable with the idea of word minimums, this may not be the place to inquire. I try to be fair with the actual numbers; they are standards of effort rather than results. Until I see proof that less quantity leads to higher quality, I also won't buy any bit about quality over quantity. If you have further questions on stylistics than what is covered here, feel free to ask.
The roleplay is a competitive one, although not one that will permit blatant rudeness toward any arbitration. High spirits are to be expected but respect is demanded.
In an arbiter, I'm looking for somebody above all committed to creating an immersive and compelling experience. No particular skillset is required, although arbiters will be tasked with interpreting player agendas and formulating results and player information sheets. Some experience with GMing in the past (even if not forum-based or NRPs) is preferred although not required. In addition, one of the chief roles of arbiters is creative development, and in this it should be noted that I am rarely looking for an argument so much as case to be made for a change and/or a diagnosis of an issue. Respecting a design process is key here. Finally, the role of an arbiter also extends into keeping the OOC community active. It is my personal experience that groups of any size live or die based on their OOC activity and bonds with one another, even over the internet.
If you're interested, please say so. I have a fledgling discord set up but if you aren't really sure you want to take the plunge then PMing me or just asking questions is likely the best course of action.
Concept art:
Title: [img]http://i.imgur.com/ICan37F.png[/img]
Discord Icon: [img]http://i.imgur.com/GV5YN5C.png[/img]
Chalam System: [img]http://i.imgur.com/NwkiTia.png[/img]
(Chalam system, from left to right: Shemensh, the star, Nagah, the stellar satellite, Sheol the Red Planet, Kokhav, Homeworld, Levanah her moon, Shamayhim the Blue Planet, Madim the Gas Giant, her moon the silent Shabbatai, and the Kesil Belt.)
Preliminary Physical Map: [img]http://i.imgur.com/nn40c6D.png[/img]
[/hider]
[hider=The Last of the Federalist Papers]
ACCORDING to the formal division of the subject of these papers, announced in my first number, there would appear still to remain for discussion two points: ``the analogy of the proposed government to your own State constitution,'' and ``the additional security which its adoption will afford to republican government, to liberty, and to property.'' But these heads have been so fully anticipated and exhausted in the progress of the work, that it would now scarcely be possible to do any thing more than repeat, in a more dilated form, what has been heretofore said, which the advanced stage of the question, and the time already spent upon it, conspire to forbid.
It is remarkable, that the resemblance of the plan of the convention to the act which organizes the government of this State holds, not less with regard to many of the supposed defects, than to the real excellences of the former. Among the pretended defects are the re-eligibility of the Executive, the want of a council, the omission of a formal bill of rights, the omission of a provision respecting the liberty of the press. These and several others which have been noted in the course of our inquiries are as much chargeable on the existing constitution of this State, as on the one proposed for the Union; and a man must have slender pretensions to consistency, who can rail at the latter for imperfections which he finds no difficulty in excusing in the former. Nor indeed can there be a better proof of the insincerity and affectation of some of the zealous adversaries of the plan of the convention among us, who profess to be the devoted admirers of the government under which they live, than the fury with which they have attacked that plan, for matters in regard to which our own constitution is equally or perhaps more vulnerable.
The additional securities to republican government, to liberty and to property, to be derived from the adoption of the plan under consideration, consist chiefly in the restraints which the preservation of the Union will impose on local factions and insurrections, and on the ambition of powerful individuals in single States, who may acquire credit and influence enough, from leaders and favorites, to become the despots of the people; in the diminution of the opportunities to foreign intrigue, which the dissolution of the Confederacy would invite and facilitate; in the prevention of extensive military establishments, which could not fail to grow out of wars between the States in a disunited situation; in the express guaranty of a republican form of government to each; in the absolute and universal exclusion of titles of nobility; and in the precautions against the repetition of those practices on the part of the State governments which have undermined the foundations of property and credit, have planted mutual distrust in the breasts of all classes of citizens, and have occasioned an almost universal prostration of morals.
Thus have I, fellow-citizens, executed the task I had assigned to myself; with what success, your conduct must determine. I trust at least you will admit that I have not failed in the assurance I gave you respecting the spirit with which my endeavors should be conducted. I have addressed myself purely to your judgments, and have studiously avoided those asperities which are too apt to disgrace political disputants of all parties, and which have been not a little provoked by the language and conduct of the opponents of the Constitution. The charge of a conspiracy against the liberties of the people, which has been indiscriminately brought against the advocates of the plan, has something in it too wanton and too malignant, not to excite the indignation of every man who feels in his own bosom a refutation of the calumny. The perpetual changes which have been rung upon the wealthy, the well-born, and the great, have been such as to inspire the disgust of all sensible men. And the unwarrantable concealments and misrepresentations which have been in various ways practiced to keep the truth from the public eye, have been of a nature to demand the reprobation of all honest men. It is not impossible that these circumstances may have occasionally betrayed me into intemperances of expression which I did not intend; it is certain that I have frequently felt a struggle between sensibility and moderation; and if the former has in some instances prevailed, it must be my excuse that it has been neither often nor much.
Let us now pause and ask ourselves whether, in the course of these papers, the proposed Constitution has not been satisfactorily vindicated from the aspersions thrown upon it; and whether it has not been shown to be worthy of the public approbation, and necessary to the public safety and prosperity. Every man is bound to answer these questions to himself, according to the best of his conscience and understanding, and to act agreeably to the genuine and sober dictates of his judgment. This is a duty from which nothing can give him a dispensation. 'T is one that he is called upon, nay, constrained by all the obligations that form the bands of society, to discharge sincerely and honestly. No partial motive, no particular interest, no pride of opinion, no temporary passion or prejudice, will justify to himself, to his country, or to his posterity, an improper election of the part he is to act. Let him beware of an obstinate adherence to party; let him reflect that the object upon which he is to decide is not a particular interest of the community, but the very existence of the nation; and let him remember that a majority of America has already given its sanction to the plan which he is to approve or reject.
I shall not dissemble that I feel an entire confidence in the arguments which recommend the proposed system to your adoption, and that I am unable to discern any real force in those by which it has been opposed. I am persuaded that it is the best which our political situation, habits, and opinions will admit, and superior to any the revolution has produced.
Concessions on the part of the friends of the plan, that it has not a claim to absolute perfection, have afforded matter of no small triumph to its enemies. ``Why,'' say they, ``should we adopt an imperfect thing? Why not amend it and make it perfect before it is irrevocably established?'' This may be plausible enough, but it is only plausible. In the first place I remark, that the extent of these concessions has been greatly exaggerated. They have been stated as amounting to an admission that the plan is radically defective, and that without material alterations the rights and the interests of the community cannot be safely confided to it. This, as far as I have understood the meaning of those who make the concessions, is an entire perversion of their sense. No advocate of the measure can be found, who will not declare as his sentiment, that the system, though it may not be perfect in every part, is, upon the whole, a good one; is the best that the present views and circumstances of the country will permit; and is such an one as promises every species of security which a reasonable people can desire.
I answer in the next place, that I should esteem it the extreme of imprudence to prolong the precarious state of our national affairs, and to expose the Union to the jeopardy of successive experiments, in the chimerical pursuit of a perfect plan. I never expect to see a perfect work from imperfect man. The result of the deliberations of all collective bodies must necessarily be a compound, as well of the errors and prejudices, as of the good sense and wisdom, of the individuals of whom they are composed. The compacts which are to embrace thirteen distinct States in a common bond of amity and union, must as necessarily be a compromise of as many dissimilar interests and inclinations. How can perfection spring from such materials?
The reasons assigned in an excellent little pamphlet lately published in this city, are unanswerable to show the utter improbability of assembling a new convention, under circumstances in any degree so favorable to a happy issue, as those in which the late convention met, deliberated, and concluded. I will not repeat the arguments there used, as I presume the production itself has had an extensive circulation. It is certainly well worthy the perusal of every friend to his country. There is, however, one point of light in which the subject of amendments still remains to be considered, and in which it has not yet been exhibited to public view. I cannot resolve to conclude without first taking a survey of it in this aspect.
It appears to me susceptible of absolute demonstration, that it will be far more easy to obtain subsequent than previous amendments to the Constitution. The moment an alteration is made in the present plan, it becomes, to the purpose of adoption, a new one, and must undergo a new decision of each State. To its complete establishment throughout the Union, it will therefore require the concurrence of thirteen States. If, on the contrary, the Constitution proposed should once be ratified by all the States as it stands, alterations in it may at any time be effected by nine States. Here, then, the chances are as thirteen to ten in favor of subsequent amendment, rather than of the original adoption of an entire system.
This is not all. Every Constitution for the United States must inevitably consist of a great variety of particulars, in which thirteen independent States are to be accommodated in their interests or opinions of interest. We may of course expect to see, in any body of men charged with its original formation, very different combinations of the parts upon different points. Many of those who form a majority on one question, may become the minority on a second, and an association dissimilar to either may constitute the majority on a third. Hence the necessity of moulding and arranging all the particulars which are to compose the whole, in such a manner as to satisfy all the parties to the compact; and hence, also, an immense multiplication of difficulties and casualties in obtaining the collective assent to a final act. The degree of that multiplication must evidently be in a ratio to the number of particulars and the number of parties.
But every amendment to the Constitution, if once established, would be a single proposition, and might be brought forward singly. There would then be no necessity for management or compromise, in relation to any other point no giving nor taking. The will of the requisite number would at once bring the matter to a decisive issue. And consequently, whenever nine, or rather ten States, were united in the desire of a particular amendment, that amendment must infallibly take place. There can, therefore, be no comparison between the facility of affecting an amendment, and that of establishing in the first instance a complete Constitution.
In opposition to the probability of subsequent amendments, it has been urged that the persons delegated to the administration of the national government will always be disinclined to yield up any portion of the authority of which they were once possessed. For my own part I acknowledge a thorough conviction that any amendments which may, upon mature consideration, be thought useful, will be applicable to the organization of the government, not to the mass of its powers; and on this account alone, I think there is no weight in the observation just stated. I also think there is little weight in it on another account. The intrinsic difficulty of governing thirteen States at any rate, independent of calculations upon an ordinary degree of public spirit and integrity, will, in my opinion constantly impose on the national rulers the necessity of a spirit of accommodation to the reasonable expectations of their constituents. But there is yet a further consideration, which proves beyond the possibility of a doubt, that the observation is futile. It is this that the national rulers, whenever nine States concur, will have no option upon the subject. By the fifth article of the plan, the Congress will be obliged ``on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the States which at present amount to nine, to call a convention for proposing amendments, which shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of the Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the States, or by conventions in three fourths thereof.'' The words of this article are peremptory. The Congress ``shall call a convention.'' Nothing in this particular is left to the discretion of that body. And of consequence, all the declamation about the disinclination to a change vanishes in air. Nor however difficult it may be supposed to unite two thirds or three fourths of the State legislatures, in amendments which may affect local interests, can there be any room to apprehend any such difficulty in a union on points which are merely relative to the general liberty or security of the people. We may safely rely on the disposition of the State legislatures to erect barriers against the encroachments of the national authority.
If the foregoing argument is a fallacy, certain it is that I am myself deceived by it, for it is, in my conception, one of those rare instances in which a political truth can be brought to the test of a mathematical demonstration. Those who see the matter in the same light with me, however zealous they may be for amendments, must agree in the propriety of a previous adoption, as the most direct road to their own object.
The zeal for attempts to amend, prior to the establishment of the Constitution, must abate in every man who is ready to accede to the truth of the following observations of a writer equally solid and ingenious: ``To balance a large state or society, says he, whether monarchical or republican, on general laws, is a work of so great difficulty, that no human genius, however comprehensive, is able, by the mere dint of reason and reflection, to effect it. The judgments of many must unite in the work; experience must guide their labor; time must bring it to perfection, and the feeling of inconveniences must correct the mistakes which they inevitably fall into in their first trials and experiments.'(Hume's ``Essays,'' vol. i., page 128: ``The Rise of Arts and Sciences.') These judicious reflections contain a lesson of moderation to all the sincere lovers of the Union, and ought to put them upon their guard against hazarding anarchy, civil war, a perpetual alienation of the States from each other, and perhaps the military despotism of a victorious demagogue, in the pursuit of what they are not likely to obtain, but from time and experience. It may be in me a defect of political fortitude, but I acknowledge that I cannot entertain an equal tranquillity with those who affect to treat the dangers of a longer continuance in our present situation as imaginary. A nation, without a national government, is, in my view, an awful spectacle. The establishment of a Constitution, in time of profound peace, by the voluntary ocnsent of a whole people, is a prodigy, to the completion of which I look forward with trembling anxiety. I can reconcile it to no rules of prudence to let go the hold we now have, in so arduous an enterprise, upon seven out of the thirteen States, and after having passed over so considerable a part of the ground, to recommence the course. I dread the more the consequences of new attempts, because I know that powerful individuals, in this and in other States, are enemies to a general national government in every possible shape.
[/hider]
<div style="white-space:pre-wrap;"><div class="hider-panel"><div class="hider-heading"><button type="button" class="btn btn-default btn-xs hider-button" data-name="World in Madness: Hunt for an Arbiter">World in Madness: Hunt for an Arbiter [+]</button></div><div class="hider-body" style="display: none">I am currently looking for arbiters for a new roleplay I am launching, World in Madness. The basic pitch is as follows:<br><br>You are the executive administration of a modern nation emerging from a bitter global cataclysm. It is your task to sway a cynical populace toward your ideals and navigate a world polarized by ideologues and threatened by the specter of the apocalypse. You will guide your the broken remains of a state and reforge the ashes into a bright dawn. <br><br>The setting is most aptly described as a roughly dieselpunk-apocalyptic setting heavily augmented by the physics and patterns of our own world. Various superweapons beyond nuclear technology will eventually be available, some of which will not be strictly scientific.<br><br>In the initial application phase, interested parties will send in the manifestos of their administration, and then be returned key events in their historical timeline that tie them to the rest of the world. In the final application phase, prospects send in a comprehensive information sheet including their administration's view of their history. After this, a full public and private national information sheet will be assembled with the information the interested has given and a full report of their nations inner workings.<br><br>Posts are from the perspective of primary sources in the nation, often state newspapers and required readings, although possibly more independent sources. As such, no post is ever considered actual canon. Two sides can both claim they won a conflict when in reality they tied. Very little minusha-moderation is required, as it is completely possible that multiple primary sources claim different versions of events.<br><br>As a note about my personal directing style, I do enforce minimum word counts and a strict style guide. Given such, I have never had to kick anybody for bad writing; only because they broke hard rules. If you are extremely uncomfortable with the idea of word minimums, this may not be the place to inquire. I try to be fair with the actual numbers; they are standards of effort rather than results. Until I see proof that less quantity leads to higher quality, I also won't buy any bit about quality over quantity. If you have further questions on stylistics than what is covered here, feel free to ask.<br><br>The roleplay is a competitive one, although not one that will permit blatant rudeness toward any arbitration. High spirits are to be expected but respect is demanded.<br><br>In an arbiter, I'm looking for somebody above all committed to creating an immersive and compelling experience. No particular skillset is required, although arbiters will be tasked with interpreting player agendas and formulating results and player information sheets. Some experience with GMing in the past (even if not forum-based or NRPs) is preferred although not required. In addition, one of the chief roles of arbiters is creative development, and in this it should be noted that I am rarely looking for an argument so much as case to be made for a change and/or a diagnosis of an issue. Respecting a design process is key here. Finally, the role of an arbiter also extends into keeping the OOC community active. It is my personal experience that groups of any size live or die based on their OOC activity and bonds with one another, even over the internet.<br><br>If you're interested, please say so. I have a fledgling discord set up but if you aren't really sure you want to take the plunge then PMing me or just asking questions is likely the best course of action.<br><br>Concept art:<br>Title: <img src="http://i.imgur.com/ICan37F.png" /><br>Discord Icon: <img src="http://i.imgur.com/GV5YN5C.png" /><br>Chalam System: <img src="http://i.imgur.com/NwkiTia.png" /><br>(Chalam system, from left to right: Shemensh, the star, Nagah, the stellar satellite, Sheol the Red Planet, Kokhav, Homeworld, Levanah her moon, Shamayhim the Blue Planet, Madim the Gas Giant, her moon the silent Shabbatai, and the Kesil Belt.)<br>Preliminary Physical Map: <img src="http://i.imgur.com/nn40c6D.png" /></div></div><br><br><div class="hider-panel"><div class="hider-heading"><button type="button" class="btn btn-default btn-xs hider-button" data-name="The Last of the Federalist Papers">The Last of the Federalist Papers [+]</button></div><div class="hider-body" style="display: none">ACCORDING to the formal division of the subject of these papers, announced in my first number, there would appear still to remain for discussion two points: ``the analogy of the proposed government to your own State constitution,'' and ``the additional security which its adoption will afford to republican government, to liberty, and to property.'' But these heads have been so fully anticipated and exhausted in the progress of the work, that it would now scarcely be possible to do any thing more than repeat, in a more dilated form, what has been heretofore said, which the advanced stage of the question, and the time already spent upon it, conspire to forbid.<br><br>It is remarkable, that the resemblance of the plan of the convention to the act which organizes the government of this State holds, not less with regard to many of the supposed defects, than to the real excellences of the former. Among the pretended defects are the re-eligibility of the Executive, the want of a council, the omission of a formal bill of rights, the omission of a provision respecting the liberty of the press. These and several others which have been noted in the course of our inquiries are as much chargeable on the existing constitution of this State, as on the one proposed for the Union; and a man must have slender pretensions to consistency, who can rail at the latter for imperfections which he finds no difficulty in excusing in the former. Nor indeed can there be a better proof of the insincerity and affectation of some of the zealous adversaries of the plan of the convention among us, who profess to be the devoted admirers of the government under which they live, than the fury with which they have attacked that plan, for matters in regard to which our own constitution is equally or perhaps more vulnerable.<br><br>The additional securities to republican government, to liberty and to property, to be derived from the adoption of the plan under consideration, consist chiefly in the restraints which the preservation of the Union will impose on local factions and insurrections, and on the ambition of powerful individuals in single States, who may acquire credit and influence enough, from leaders and favorites, to become the despots of the people; in the diminution of the opportunities to foreign intrigue, which the dissolution of the Confederacy would invite and facilitate; in the prevention of extensive military establishments, which could not fail to grow out of wars between the States in a disunited situation; in the express guaranty of a republican form of government to each; in the absolute and universal exclusion of titles of nobility; and in the precautions against the repetition of those practices on the part of the State governments which have undermined the foundations of property and credit, have planted mutual distrust in the breasts of all classes of citizens, and have occasioned an almost universal prostration of morals.<br><br>Thus have I, fellow-citizens, executed the task I had assigned to myself; with what success, your conduct must determine. I trust at least you will admit that I have not failed in the assurance I gave you respecting the spirit with which my endeavors should be conducted. I have addressed myself purely to your judgments, and have studiously avoided those asperities which are too apt to disgrace political disputants of all parties, and which have been not a little provoked by the language and conduct of the opponents of the Constitution. The charge of a conspiracy against the liberties of the people, which has been indiscriminately brought against the advocates of the plan, has something in it too wanton and too malignant, not to excite the indignation of every man who feels in his own bosom a refutation of the calumny. The perpetual changes which have been rung upon the wealthy, the well-born, and the great, have been such as to inspire the disgust of all sensible men. And the unwarrantable concealments and misrepresentations which have been in various ways practiced to keep the truth from the public eye, have been of a nature to demand the reprobation of all honest men. It is not impossible that these circumstances may have occasionally betrayed me into intemperances of expression which I did not intend; it is certain that I have frequently felt a struggle between sensibility and moderation; and if the former has in some instances prevailed, it must be my excuse that it has been neither often nor much.<br><br>Let us now pause and ask ourselves whether, in the course of these papers, the proposed Constitution has not been satisfactorily vindicated from the aspersions thrown upon it; and whether it has not been shown to be worthy of the public approbation, and necessary to the public safety and prosperity. Every man is bound to answer these questions to himself, according to the best of his conscience and understanding, and to act agreeably to the genuine and sober dictates of his judgment. This is a duty from which nothing can give him a dispensation. 'T is one that he is called upon, nay, constrained by all the obligations that form the bands of society, to discharge sincerely and honestly. No partial motive, no particular interest, no pride of opinion, no temporary passion or prejudice, will justify to himself, to his country, or to his posterity, an improper election of the part he is to act. Let him beware of an obstinate adherence to party; let him reflect that the object upon which he is to decide is not a particular interest of the community, but the very existence of the nation; and let him remember that a majority of America has already given its sanction to the plan which he is to approve or reject.<br><br>I shall not dissemble that I feel an entire confidence in the arguments which recommend the proposed system to your adoption, and that I am unable to discern any real force in those by which it has been opposed. I am persuaded that it is the best which our political situation, habits, and opinions will admit, and superior to any the revolution has produced.<br><br>Concessions on the part of the friends of the plan, that it has not a claim to absolute perfection, have afforded matter of no small triumph to its enemies. ``Why,'' say they, ``should we adopt an imperfect thing? Why not amend it and make it perfect before it is irrevocably established?'' This may be plausible enough, but it is only plausible. In the first place I remark, that the extent of these concessions has been greatly exaggerated. They have been stated as amounting to an admission that the plan is radically defective, and that without material alterations the rights and the interests of the community cannot be safely confided to it. This, as far as I have understood the meaning of those who make the concessions, is an entire perversion of their sense. No advocate of the measure can be found, who will not declare as his sentiment, that the system, though it may not be perfect in every part, is, upon the whole, a good one; is the best that the present views and circumstances of the country will permit; and is such an one as promises every species of security which a reasonable people can desire.<br><br>I answer in the next place, that I should esteem it the extreme of imprudence to prolong the precarious state of our national affairs, and to expose the Union to the jeopardy of successive experiments, in the chimerical pursuit of a perfect plan. I never expect to see a perfect work from imperfect man. The result of the deliberations of all collective bodies must necessarily be a compound, as well of the errors and prejudices, as of the good sense and wisdom, of the individuals of whom they are composed. The compacts which are to embrace thirteen distinct States in a common bond of amity and union, must as necessarily be a compromise of as many dissimilar interests and inclinations. How can perfection spring from such materials?<br><br>The reasons assigned in an excellent little pamphlet lately published in this city, are unanswerable to show the utter improbability of assembling a new convention, under circumstances in any degree so favorable to a happy issue, as those in which the late convention met, deliberated, and concluded. I will not repeat the arguments there used, as I presume the production itself has had an extensive circulation. It is certainly well worthy the perusal of every friend to his country. There is, however, one point of light in which the subject of amendments still remains to be considered, and in which it has not yet been exhibited to public view. I cannot resolve to conclude without first taking a survey of it in this aspect.<br><br>It appears to me susceptible of absolute demonstration, that it will be far more easy to obtain subsequent than previous amendments to the Constitution. The moment an alteration is made in the present plan, it becomes, to the purpose of adoption, a new one, and must undergo a new decision of each State. To its complete establishment throughout the Union, it will therefore require the concurrence of thirteen States. If, on the contrary, the Constitution proposed should once be ratified by all the States as it stands, alterations in it may at any time be effected by nine States. Here, then, the chances are as thirteen to ten in favor of subsequent amendment, rather than of the original adoption of an entire system.<br><br>This is not all. Every Constitution for the United States must inevitably consist of a great variety of particulars, in which thirteen independent States are to be accommodated in their interests or opinions of interest. We may of course expect to see, in any body of men charged with its original formation, very different combinations of the parts upon different points. Many of those who form a majority on one question, may become the minority on a second, and an association dissimilar to either may constitute the majority on a third. Hence the necessity of moulding and arranging all the particulars which are to compose the whole, in such a manner as to satisfy all the parties to the compact; and hence, also, an immense multiplication of difficulties and casualties in obtaining the collective assent to a final act. The degree of that multiplication must evidently be in a ratio to the number of particulars and the number of parties.<br><br>But every amendment to the Constitution, if once established, would be a single proposition, and might be brought forward singly. There would then be no necessity for management or compromise, in relation to any other point no giving nor taking. The will of the requisite number would at once bring the matter to a decisive issue. And consequently, whenever nine, or rather ten States, were united in the desire of a particular amendment, that amendment must infallibly take place. There can, therefore, be no comparison between the facility of affecting an amendment, and that of establishing in the first instance a complete Constitution.<br><br>In opposition to the probability of subsequent amendments, it has been urged that the persons delegated to the administration of the national government will always be disinclined to yield up any portion of the authority of which they were once possessed. For my own part I acknowledge a thorough conviction that any amendments which may, upon mature consideration, be thought useful, will be applicable to the organization of the government, not to the mass of its powers; and on this account alone, I think there is no weight in the observation just stated. I also think there is little weight in it on another account. The intrinsic difficulty of governing thirteen States at any rate, independent of calculations upon an ordinary degree of public spirit and integrity, will, in my opinion constantly impose on the national rulers the necessity of a spirit of accommodation to the reasonable expectations of their constituents. But there is yet a further consideration, which proves beyond the possibility of a doubt, that the observation is futile. It is this that the national rulers, whenever nine States concur, will have no option upon the subject. By the fifth article of the plan, the Congress will be obliged ``on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the States which at present amount to nine, to call a convention for proposing amendments, which shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of the Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the States, or by conventions in three fourths thereof.'' The words of this article are peremptory. The Congress ``shall call a convention.'' Nothing in this particular is left to the discretion of that body. And of consequence, all the declamation about the disinclination to a change vanishes in air. Nor however difficult it may be supposed to unite two thirds or three fourths of the State legislatures, in amendments which may affect local interests, can there be any room to apprehend any such difficulty in a union on points which are merely relative to the general liberty or security of the people. We may safely rely on the disposition of the State legislatures to erect barriers against the encroachments of the national authority.<br><br>If the foregoing argument is a fallacy, certain it is that I am myself deceived by it, for it is, in my conception, one of those rare instances in which a political truth can be brought to the test of a mathematical demonstration. Those who see the matter in the same light with me, however zealous they may be for amendments, must agree in the propriety of a previous adoption, as the most direct road to their own object.<br><br>The zeal for attempts to amend, prior to the establishment of the Constitution, must abate in every man who is ready to accede to the truth of the following observations of a writer equally solid and ingenious: ``To balance a large state or society, says he, whether monarchical or republican, on general laws, is a work of so great difficulty, that no human genius, however comprehensive, is able, by the mere dint of reason and reflection, to effect it. The judgments of many must unite in the work; experience must guide their labor; time must bring it to perfection, and the feeling of inconveniences must correct the mistakes which they inevitably fall into in their first trials and experiments.'(Hume's ``Essays,'' vol. i., page 128: ``The Rise of Arts and Sciences.') These judicious reflections contain a lesson of moderation to all the sincere lovers of the Union, and ought to put them upon their guard against hazarding anarchy, civil war, a perpetual alienation of the States from each other, and perhaps the military despotism of a victorious demagogue, in the pursuit of what they are not likely to obtain, but from time and experience. It may be in me a defect of political fortitude, but I acknowledge that I cannot entertain an equal tranquillity with those who affect to treat the dangers of a longer continuance in our present situation as imaginary. A nation, without a national government, is, in my view, an awful spectacle. The establishment of a Constitution, in time of profound peace, by the voluntary ocnsent of a whole people, is a prodigy, to the completion of which I look forward with trembling anxiety. I can reconcile it to no rules of prudence to let go the hold we now have, in so arduous an enterprise, upon seven out of the thirteen States, and after having passed over so considerable a part of the ground, to recommence the course. I dread the more the consequences of new attempts, because I know that powerful individuals, in this and in other States, are enemies to a general national government in every possible shape.</div></div><br></div>
Member
