I am currently looking for arbiters for a new roleplay I am launching, World in Madness. The basic pitch is as follows:
You are the executive administration of a modern nation emerging from a bitter global cataclysm. It is your task to sway a cynical populace toward your ideals and navigate a world polarized by ideologues and threatened by the specter of the apocalypse. You will guide your the broken remains of a state and reforge the ashes into a bright dawn.
The setting is most aptly described as a roughly dieselpunk-apocalyptic setting heavily augmented by the physics and patterns of our own world. Various superweapons beyond nuclear technology will eventually be available, some of which will not be strictly scientific.
In the initial application phase, interested parties will send in the manifestos of their administration, and then be returned key events in their historical timeline that tie them to the rest of the world. In the final application phase, prospects send in a comprehensive information sheet including their administration's view of their history. After this, a full public and private national information sheet will be assembled with the information the interested has given and a full report of their nations inner workings.
Posts are from the perspective of primary sources in the nation, often state newspapers and required readings, although possibly more independent sources. As such, no post is ever considered actual canon. Two sides can both claim they won a conflict when in reality they tied. Very little minusha-moderation is required, as it is completely possible that multiple primary sources claim different versions of events.
As a note about my personal directing style, I do enforce minimum word counts and a strict style guide. Given such, I have never had to kick anybody for bad writing; only because they broke hard rules. If you are extremely uncomfortable with the idea of word minimums, this may not be the place to inquire. I try to be fair with the actual numbers; they are standards of effort rather than results. Until I see proof that less quantity leads to higher quality, I also won't buy any bit about quality over quantity. If you have further questions on stylistics than what is covered here, feel free to ask.
The roleplay is a competitive one, although not one that will permit blatant rudeness toward any arbitration. High spirits are to be expected but respect is demanded.
In an arbiter, I'm looking for somebody above all committed to creating an immersive and compelling experience. No particular skillset is required, although arbiters will be tasked with interpreting player agendas and formulating results and player information sheets. Some experience with GMing in the past (even if not forum-based or NRPs) is preferred although not required. In addition, one of the chief roles of arbiters is creative development, and in this it should be noted that I am rarely looking for an argument so much as case to be made for a change and/or a diagnosis of an issue. Respecting a design process is key here. Finally, the role of an arbiter also extends into keeping the OOC community active. It is my personal experience that groups of any size live or die based on their OOC activity and bonds with one another, even over the internet.
If you're interested, please say so. I have a fledgling discord set up but if you aren't really sure you want to take the plunge then PMing me or just asking questions is likely the best course of action.
Concept art: Title: Discord Icon: Chalam System: (Chalam system, from left to right: Shemensh, the star, Nagah, the stellar satellite, Sheol the Red Planet, Kokhav, Homeworld, Levanah her moon, Shamayhim the Blue Planet, Madim the Gas Giant, her moon the silent Shabbatai, and the Kesil Belt.) Preliminary Physical Map:
ACCORDING to the formal division of the subject of these papers, announced in my first number, there would appear still to remain for discussion two points: ``the analogy of the proposed government to your own State constitution,'' and ``the additional security which its adoption will afford to republican government, to liberty, and to property.'' But these heads have been so fully anticipated and exhausted in the progress of the work, that it would now scarcely be possible to do any thing more than repeat, in a more dilated form, what has been heretofore said, which the advanced stage of the question, and the time already spent upon it, conspire to forbid.
It is remarkable, that the resemblance of the plan of the convention to the act which organizes the government of this State holds, not less with regard to many of the supposed defects, than to the real excellences of the former. Among the pretended defects are the re-eligibility of the Executive, the want of a council, the omission of a formal bill of rights, the omission of a provision respecting the liberty of the press. These and several others which have been noted in the course of our inquiries are as much chargeable on the existing constitution of this State, as on the one proposed for the Union; and a man must have slender pretensions to consistency, who can rail at the latter for imperfections which he finds no difficulty in excusing in the former. Nor indeed can there be a better proof of the insincerity and affectation of some of the zealous adversaries of the plan of the convention among us, who profess to be the devoted admirers of the government under which they live, than the fury with which they have attacked that plan, for matters in regard to which our own constitution is equally or perhaps more vulnerable.
The additional securities to republican government, to liberty and to property, to be derived from the adoption of the plan under consideration, consist chiefly in the restraints which the preservation of the Union will impose on local factions and insurrections, and on the ambition of powerful individuals in single States, who may acquire credit and influence enough, from leaders and favorites, to become the despots of the people; in the diminution of the opportunities to foreign intrigue, which the dissolution of the Confederacy would invite and facilitate; in the prevention of extensive military establishments, which could not fail to grow out of wars between the States in a disunited situation; in the express guaranty of a republican form of government to each; in the absolute and universal exclusion of titles of nobility; and in the precautions against the repetition of those practices on the part of the State governments which have undermined the foundations of property and credit, have planted mutual distrust in the breasts of all classes of citizens, and have occasioned an almost universal prostration of morals.
Thus have I, fellow-citizens, executed the task I had assigned to myself; with what success, your conduct must determine. I trust at least you will admit that I have not failed in the assurance I gave you respecting the spirit with which my endeavors should be conducted. I have addressed myself purely to your judgments, and have studiously avoided those asperities which are too apt to disgrace political disputants of all parties, and which have been not a little provoked by the language and conduct of the opponents of the Constitution. The charge of a conspiracy against the liberties of the people, which has been indiscriminately brought against the advocates of the plan, has something in it too wanton and too malignant, not to excite the indignation of every man who feels in his own bosom a refutation of the calumny. The perpetual changes which have been rung upon the wealthy, the well-born, and the great, have been such as to inspire the disgust of all sensible men. And the unwarrantable concealments and misrepresentations which have been in various ways practiced to keep the truth from the public eye, have been of a nature to demand the reprobation of all honest men. It is not impossible that these circumstances may have occasionally betrayed me into intemperances of expression which I did not intend; it is certain that I have frequently felt a struggle between sensibility and moderation; and if the former has in some instances prevailed, it must be my excuse that it has been neither often nor much.
Let us now pause and ask ourselves whether, in the course of these papers, the proposed Constitution has not been satisfactorily vindicated from the aspersions thrown upon it; and whether it has not been shown to be worthy of the public approbation, and necessary to the public safety and prosperity. Every man is bound to answer these questions to himself, according to the best of his conscience and understanding, and to act agreeably to the genuine and sober dictates of his judgment. This is a duty from which nothing can give him a dispensation. 'T is one that he is called upon, nay, constrained by all the obligations that form the bands of society, to discharge sincerely and honestly. No partial motive, no particular interest, no pride of opinion, no temporary passion or prejudice, will justify to himself, to his country, or to his posterity, an improper election of the part he is to act. Let him beware of an obstinate adherence to party; let him reflect that the object upon which he is to decide is not a particular interest of the community, but the very existence of the nation; and let him remember that a majority of America has already given its sanction to the plan which he is to approve or reject.
I shall not dissemble that I feel an entire confidence in the arguments which recommend the proposed system to your adoption, and that I am unable to discern any real force in those by which it has been opposed. I am persuaded that it is the best which our political situation, habits, and opinions will admit, and superior to any the revolution has produced.
Concessions on the part of the friends of the plan, that it has not a claim to absolute perfection, have afforded matter of no small triumph to its enemies. ``Why,'' say they, ``should we adopt an imperfect thing? Why not amend it and make it perfect before it is irrevocably established?'' This may be plausible enough, but it is only plausible. In the first place I remark, that the extent of these concessions has been greatly exaggerated. They have been stated as amounting to an admission that the plan is radically defective, and that without material alterations the rights and the interests of the community cannot be safely confided to it. This, as far as I have understood the meaning of those who make the concessions, is an entire perversion of their sense. No advocate of the measure can be found, who will not declare as his sentiment, that the system, though it may not be perfect in every part, is, upon the whole, a good one; is the best that the present views and circumstances of the country will permit; and is such an one as promises every species of security which a reasonable people can desire.
I answer in the next place, that I should esteem it the extreme of imprudence to prolong the precarious state of our national affairs, and to expose the Union to the jeopardy of successive experiments, in the chimerical pursuit of a perfect plan. I never expect to see a perfect work from imperfect man. The result of the deliberations of all collective bodies must necessarily be a compound, as well of the errors and prejudices, as of the good sense and wisdom, of the individuals of whom they are composed. The compacts which are to embrace thirteen distinct States in a common bond of amity and union, must as necessarily be a compromise of as many dissimilar interests and inclinations. How can perfection spring from such materials?
The reasons assigned in an excellent little pamphlet lately published in this city, are unanswerable to show the utter improbability of assembling a new convention, under circumstances in any degree so favorable to a happy issue, as those in which the late convention met, deliberated, and concluded. I will not repeat the arguments there used, as I presume the production itself has had an extensive circulation. It is certainly well worthy the perusal of every friend to his country. There is, however, one point of light in which the subject of amendments still remains to be considered, and in which it has not yet been exhibited to public view. I cannot resolve to conclude without first taking a survey of it in this aspect.
It appears to me susceptible of absolute demonstration, that it will be far more easy to obtain subsequent than previous amendments to the Constitution. The moment an alteration is made in the present plan, it becomes, to the purpose of adoption, a new one, and must undergo a new decision of each State. To its complete establishment throughout the Union, it will therefore require the concurrence of thirteen States. If, on the contrary, the Constitution proposed should once be ratified by all the States as it stands, alterations in it may at any time be effected by nine States. Here, then, the chances are as thirteen to ten in favor of subsequent amendment, rather than of the original adoption of an entire system.
This is not all. Every Constitution for the United States must inevitably consist of a great variety of particulars, in which thirteen independent States are to be accommodated in their interests or opinions of interest. We may of course expect to see, in any body of men charged with its original formation, very different combinations of the parts upon different points. Many of those who form a majority on one question, may become the minority on a second, and an association dissimilar to either may constitute the majority on a third. Hence the necessity of moulding and arranging all the particulars which are to compose the whole, in such a manner as to satisfy all the parties to the compact; and hence, also, an immense multiplication of difficulties and casualties in obtaining the collective assent to a final act. The degree of that multiplication must evidently be in a ratio to the number of particulars and the number of parties.
But every amendment to the Constitution, if once established, would be a single proposition, and might be brought forward singly. There would then be no necessity for management or compromise, in relation to any other point no giving nor taking. The will of the requisite number would at once bring the matter to a decisive issue. And consequently, whenever nine, or rather ten States, were united in the desire of a particular amendment, that amendment must infallibly take place. There can, therefore, be no comparison between the facility of affecting an amendment, and that of establishing in the first instance a complete Constitution.
In opposition to the probability of subsequent amendments, it has been urged that the persons delegated to the administration of the national government will always be disinclined to yield up any portion of the authority of which they were once possessed. For my own part I acknowledge a thorough conviction that any amendments which may, upon mature consideration, be thought useful, will be applicable to the organization of the government, not to the mass of its powers; and on this account alone, I think there is no weight in the observation just stated. I also think there is little weight in it on another account. The intrinsic difficulty of governing thirteen States at any rate, independent of calculations upon an ordinary degree of public spirit and integrity, will, in my opinion constantly impose on the national rulers the necessity of a spirit of accommodation to the reasonable expectations of their constituents. But there is yet a further consideration, which proves beyond the possibility of a doubt, that the observation is futile. It is this that the national rulers, whenever nine States concur, will have no option upon the subject. By the fifth article of the plan, the Congress will be obliged ``on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the States which at present amount to nine, to call a convention for proposing amendments, which shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of the Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the States, or by conventions in three fourths thereof.'' The words of this article are peremptory. The Congress ``shall call a convention.'' Nothing in this particular is left to the discretion of that body. And of consequence, all the declamation about the disinclination to a change vanishes in air. Nor however difficult it may be supposed to unite two thirds or three fourths of the State legislatures, in amendments which may affect local interests, can there be any room to apprehend any such difficulty in a union on points which are merely relative to the general liberty or security of the people. We may safely rely on the disposition of the State legislatures to erect barriers against the encroachments of the national authority.
If the foregoing argument is a fallacy, certain it is that I am myself deceived by it, for it is, in my conception, one of those rare instances in which a political truth can be brought to the test of a mathematical demonstration. Those who see the matter in the same light with me, however zealous they may be for amendments, must agree in the propriety of a previous adoption, as the most direct road to their own object.
The zeal for attempts to amend, prior to the establishment of the Constitution, must abate in every man who is ready to accede to the truth of the following observations of a writer equally solid and ingenious: ``To balance a large state or society, says he, whether monarchical or republican, on general laws, is a work of so great difficulty, that no human genius, however comprehensive, is able, by the mere dint of reason and reflection, to effect it. The judgments of many must unite in the work; experience must guide their labor; time must bring it to perfection, and the feeling of inconveniences must correct the mistakes which they inevitably fall into in their first trials and experiments.'(Hume's ``Essays,'' vol. i., page 128: ``The Rise of Arts and Sciences.') These judicious reflections contain a lesson of moderation to all the sincere lovers of the Union, and ought to put them upon their guard against hazarding anarchy, civil war, a perpetual alienation of the States from each other, and perhaps the military despotism of a victorious demagogue, in the pursuit of what they are not likely to obtain, but from time and experience. It may be in me a defect of political fortitude, but I acknowledge that I cannot entertain an equal tranquillity with those who affect to treat the dangers of a longer continuance in our present situation as imaginary. A nation, without a national government, is, in my view, an awful spectacle. The establishment of a Constitution, in time of profound peace, by the voluntary ocnsent of a whole people, is a prodigy, to the completion of which I look forward with trembling anxiety. I can reconcile it to no rules of prudence to let go the hold we now have, in so arduous an enterprise, upon seven out of the thirteen States, and after having passed over so considerable a part of the ground, to recommence the course. I dread the more the consequences of new attempts, because I know that powerful individuals, in this and in other States, are enemies to a general national government in every possible shape.
Before posting here, please read the OP in the OOC.
In order to create a system for people to contribute without writing a full post, the following system has been devised to translate to ratings of posts into meaning:
Like - 'Like' posts that you think were well made in general, and that you have no leaning on. Be generous with these; it encourages an overall better and healthier quality of writing.
Laugh - 'Laugh' at posts that in the opinion of your broad historical expertise are pure poppycock. The more laughs a post has, the less well regarded as a source it is. This is completely irrelevant to quality, and often some of the highest quality posts will be seen as broadly historically inaccurate but still phenomenal reads.
Thank - 'Thank' posts you think are superb histories and completely factually accurate. The more thanks a post has, the more well regarded as a source it is. This is also completely irrelevant to quality,
These categorizations are meant to be humorous, and I personally encourage you to give out as many as possible. If multiple ratings could be applied to a post, that'd be superb, but until then take all of them as compliments.
As far as from what perspective you should rate posts from, I'd recommend rating from the perspective of the chronicler you last posted as, or rating from the perspective of what is the most humorous, up to you.
This is where the simulations are posted. Only GMs are allowed to post here.
NOTE: The name structure is 'Prefix/Title Chosen-Name Given-Name House-Name Suffix/Title'. When making names, use this syntax.
Chief Ulden Strongsaddle Horselord (-3 - 36) 1. Chilhood (Abusive) 2. Childhood (Ill-Bred) 3. War (Defensive) against Chief Gultuk Leathermane Bronzespear 4. Policy (Military (A-)) 5. Diplomacy (Trade Agreement) with Chief Argel Skullgate Tollscythe of the Deadlands 6. Death (Battle, Defensive (1-2)) against Chief Gultuk Leathermane Bronzespear Mil. V Eco. III Inf. I Civ. II.
Each generation (36-year time period) contains six phases, each of which is populated by an event. In addition, each character has a year of birth and death, as well as a status report on their domain.
Each phase includes broadly what the character was doing (Childhood, Training, War, Policy, Diplomacy, Death), and a more specific categorization in parentheses (Policy (Military), War (Rebellion), Training (Civil)), and within nested parentheses the result (War (Territorial (2-1)), Policy (Infrastructure (A-))), and finally after that any other character involved (War (Defensive (1-0) against Lord John Quincey Smith, Diplomacy (Defensive Pact) with King Rainbow of the Unicorns). Occasionally, a phase will have a (*[Name]) after it. This means that you should refer to the character mentioned for the coinciding event during that phase.
War A war has nine possible outcomes for a character, each one signified by a different numerical combination. (0,0) Both sides accomplished pretty much nothing. The war was pointless and practically no actual lives were lost. (1,0) The character came in with a sizable force and easily accomplished their goals with practically no resistance. (0,1) The character seriously underestimate the opposing force and sent only a ceremonial force to scare them off. The other side won easily. (2,0) The character absolutely massacred the opposing force with nothing stopping them. (0,2) The character was completely outmatched and annihilated by the opposing force with nearly no effort on their part. (1,1) Both sides put up a fair effort, which ended in a white peace. Lives were lost on both sides and mourned. (2,1) The character waged a vicious campaign, and at the cost of many lives, a bloody victory was assured. (1,2) After a long and brutal campaign, the character succumbs to the opposing force, but not before ensuring that many of their ranks are taken with them. (2,2) Both sides wage a grueling war with no real end and absolutely no real victory.
Policy Every phase spent on policy is assigned a letter grade reflecting the outcome. Policy phases may be spent reforming the military (armament production, conscription, organizing command structures), the economy (tariffs, taxes, land redistribution, resource collection), infrastructure (building more roads, schools, forts, improving supply lines and communications), or civil policies (laws, culture, bureaucracy, government structure). These policy reformations in turn affect the military, economic, infrastructure, and civil levels of the domain of the character. F - The policy completely backfires, ending in complete failure. The sort of decision that brings about rebellion. D - The policy in ineffective at best and disastrous at worst, no gains are made and some progress may stand to be lost. C - The policy is utterly benign and makes no significant improvement. B - The policy is moderately successful, if not absolutely revolutionary. A - The policy absolutely revolutionizes the structure of the domain and is incredibly successful.
Domain Levels At the end of the generation character sheet is the domain power levels for the final year of the simulation. These are relative to the world at large, not the relative state of the domain, and range from one to six. 1 - This level is appropriate to a tiny, far-flung backward domain. A minor power. 2 - This level adequately expresses the development of a city state or smaller nation. A local power. 3 - This level places around the average capabilities of a smaller kingdom. A regional power. 4 - This level designates a well-developed kingdom or a weaker aspect of a smaller empire. A continental power. 5 - This level represents a standard empire. A world power. 6 - This level depicts an absolute global titan. A superpower. Domains have a level each for their military (Mil.), economy (Eco.), infrastructure (Inf.), and civil (Civ.) development.
Highlights Each generation includes highlights: Particularly interesting historical events that may be of interest to you as a chronicler. They're also a handy reference to flip through if you forgot the key events.
Republics Republics have 'characters' very similar to standard monarchies, although they list the governing body as well as all heads of state that served in the generation time period. In addition to the other domain levels, they include and Authoritarianism score (Ath.), between one and six as well. A one implies a nearly perfect democracy whereas a six implies an autocracy. Events that occur during the period should be presume to have happened with the democratic or official consent of the full governing body.
The Council of Elders, High Elder Sandsplitter Deltis Goniger the Father (50-60), High Elder Thurteron Jubil Osericus (60-70), High Elder Farug Blackmane Horntower (70-80) 3. Succession (Peaceful Separation) from Baldugtagee 4. Policy (Civil (A-)) 5. Policy (Civil (A+)) 6. Policy (Infrastructure (B+)) Mil. II Eco. II Inf. IV Civ. V Ath. II
Everything not included in a character profile is completely up to the historian to record with perfect accuracy.
Historian Biographies If a player posts three IC posts, they will be accredited as an 'Elder' and be honored with the permission to submit a biography of any length and style to this post of a historian they have written as, allowing us to better understand their point of view and life story, as well as their emotional investment to the characters. Players may submit another such biography after reaching six posts, then nine, and so forth, and be accredited with more honors in the member listing as they do so.
Lord Governor Darius Brighteye Sunwalker of Paledune, Sultan of Paradise and General of Aedria
Early Life
Brighteye Sunwalker was born in Aedria to nobles Darius and Circe Sunwalker, fifteen years after the birth of Aedrius Irenaeus. House Sunwalker was already rather large by this point, as one of the pre-eminent noble families of the country, Brighteye's cousin Dalleio's friendship with heir apparent Sephil Irenaeus also adding to their prosperity. Though Dalleio's parents heaped adoration and love upon to their child, Brighteye received love only from his mother, his father giving him only the necessities and relentlessly training him in combat, stating that it was the only way to create a warrior comparable to Prince (Later King) Sephil. His father's failure in battle and maiming as a result of a spear to the knee always haunted him, and he attempted to relive his life through his son.
Five years after Brighteye's birth, his cousin once-removed Starseer was born. The two would develop a friendship, when Brighteye wasn't busy attempting to avoid getting his throat slit by his father during his many outbursts, he would meet with Starseer and father Dalleio whenever they could visit their relatives back in Aedria and weren't busy in Paledune. Brighteye began to develop a relationship with Dalleio, who began to feel for the young Brighteye himself.
Disaster struck soon later, when Darius died in battle against King Amadel of the Greenfall, his first battle after he received his injury, he hadn't even joined the battle, sitting in the back (unable to fight due to his maiming) and receiving an unfortunate arrow. His father gone, Brighteye turned all his sadness and anger into determination, and continued what his father started, training alongside other Aedrian nobles and even Dalleio whenever he had the chance. Brighteye came of age in the year 27, and took the name Darius, after his father.
Aedrian Army Career
Darius volunteered to become a general for the Aedrian army soon after coming of age. His personal combat skill was exceptional, though the emperor still surpassed him, but his leadership skills were untested and tutored by the mentally unstable Darius the elder. Despite the nobility's doubts, recommendations by the Lord Governor Dalleio ensured him a place in the General corps. Darius didn't see a single battle until he was twenty-one years old, Emperor Aedrius was convinced by other generals that Darius was nothing more than a talented duelist with no potential as a general. Darius was finally given his chance when he was given command of the Aedrian detachment to the Bronzespear-Horselord conflict, to which he brought a journal, which he wrote in from the first day of the battle to his first day in Paradise.
He formally resigned a few days before the Battle at Paella river, frustrated with his seeming lack of worth to the Empire, but before he could be recalled, the battle had started.
Bronzespear General
Darius lead the Aedrian detachment at the Battle of Paella. The Aedrian hoplite division was deployed later, kept in reserve for when the Bronzespear forces faltered. When they did falter, Darius had them calmly walk towards the bridge, the enemy had just about crossed when the phalanx approached. Fighting on solid ground, the phalanx proved far more able to fight than the Horselord soldiers, who were forced to fight on the shaky bridge. Eventually Chief Ulden Horselord himself charged the phalanx, managing to carve a path towards Darius before being cut down.
The enemy force was routed soon after, and Darius had yet to engage personally. Impressed, Chief Bronzespear asked Darius if he would permanently serve as a general in his army, to which Darius agreed, practically deserting from the Aedrian army. However, hearing of this success, the Aedrian leadership didn't mind at all that Darius had remained with the Bronzespears, with an Aedrian general leading the horde, it would be far easier for the Aedrian-aligned Bronzespears to gain hegemony over the Great Steppes.
Darius continued leading the Bronzespears through their conflict with the now rejuvenated Horselords, lead by excellent tactician Jannum Horselord. The long series of battles all saw Darius excel in commanding pikemen and heavy infantry, as well as getting personally involved once or twice, including a duel with Jannum himself which ended when the Bronzespears treacherously charged Jannum in the middle of their duel. This, and a number of other incidents lead to Darius becoming disillusioned with the Bronzespear chief, Gultuk. After a long talk with Gultuk, he managed to receive a promise that Gultuk would do no action directly involving Darius without consulting him first.
In the last battle of his career as a steppe general, Darius commanded alongside Gultuk, proving able to challenge Jannum in battle without resorting to treachery. Gultuk did not survive the battle, and after his death, the Bronzespear lines faltered. With all that was left being his personal hoplite guard, Darius retreated from the battlefield, taking off his helmet and placing it on the ground in honor of the fallen chief.
Arrival in Paradise
Darius received a message from a noble in Paradise soon after his defeat, stating that his old childhood friend Starseer, now known as Aedius, had proved to be a poor ruler, with a disastrous infrastructure project that caused the Kingdom to exhaust its treasury, the builders resorting to cannibalizing multiple other constructions in an attempt to finish the project. Darius, his hoplites loyal only to him, began the long march to Paledune. Darius joined with the majority of the Paledune army, who were displeased with their new Sultan.
Darius arrived in Paradise in the year 56, at the age of 41. The heavily scarred man dressed in barbarian garb and escorted with at least one or two half-steppe nomad hoplites must have caused a massive uproar among the people of Paradise. Despite this, Darius was granted whatever the nobles had left, including their levies and mercenaries, in preparation for his confrontation with the loyalist forces.
The loyalist forces were utterly pitiful, with perhaps only half of them being trained soldiers. Darius commanded his troops to surround the enemy without attacking unless attacked first, and the vast majority surrendered due to poor discipline. Both sides lost very few due to this show of mercy.
Darius personally entered the Sultan's castle, with very few of his trusted troops with him. Separated from most of his troops by an ambush in the dark hallways of the keep, Darius, armed with spear and shield, killed four and wounded thirteen, his troops joining him before he could suffer more than a superficial wound.
Darius met with his former friend, the sultan, and after a solemn conversation, he forced the man into exile, claiming the throne of Paledune and Paradise.
Lord Governor of Paledune and Sultan of Paradise.
Darius began his reign by rolling back his predecessor's infrastructural projects and reforms, reconstructing all cannibalized buildings with the aid of a trade agreement with Chief Argell Tollscythe of the Deadlands. He followed this by instituting a military alliance with new Bronzespear Chief Redrider, and riding out to help him with the gathering Horselord host.
Darius' final battle was to be his first commanding the Paledune host, it was also the last time he would write a journal entry, in which he complained about the stupidity of Paledune's generals and the new generation of Bronzespear generals as well. The battle was wrought with poor decisions on both the Paledune part and the Bronzespear part, with Darius himself making some uncharacteristic mistakes. The battle ended with the allied forces decimated and the Horselord host only mostly damaged.
A mention of Chief Jannum's nickname "the Avenger" in the heat of combat made Darius enter a state of almost comatose silence, and soon after he commanded what remained of his troops to retreat.
After the battle he met with a furious Redrider, who he asked what the fight was about. Redrider admitted it was to avenge his father. Darius furiously struck Redrider and told him how pointless it all was in a rage, Darius refused to play a part in another person's revenge after having seen it kill both Chief Ulden and Gultuk. Furious, he took his armies and left that night, giving one last betrayed look to Redrider before leaving for Paradise. Darius would never end up on a battlefield again.
In his last years, Darius focused on more domestic reforms and raising his daughter to inherit, despite the complaints of other nobles. Darius grew bitter and cynical with age, refusing to rely on advisers and assaulting then on more than one occasion.
Darius grew ill in the year 83, and by the next year he was bedridden, suffering from an illness that filled his lungs with blood. The next year he was on his deathbed. He was constantly coughing up blood and barely lucid. He was constantly demanding to see Dalleio, who had died many years prior. He didn't even recognize his daughter half the time. His last words before losing consciousness were in response to her asking if he remembered her.
"Always." Darius Brighteye Sunwalker died that year in 85 of Tuberculosis and infection, having lived a long and by his own admission rather exciting life.
Swami Heavendawn Gallerio (110-140), more commonly known as Swami, was a Paledune poet and royal courtier that lived during the reigns of the Lord Governors Illerio Morningstar and Saero Duskguard Sunwalker. Despite having lived in a turbulent era of Paledune history, having witnessed the assassination of Ilerio Morningstar and the War of the Hammer and the Snake, Swami is remembered in Paledune for his simple odes, sonnets, and ballads to the wonderful world around him.
In 120, Swami was born the youngest son of five to a carpet merchant and a housewife in Paradise. As the youngest, Swami was not always given priority as a son, having to compete with his siblings for his parents’ approval. When given the choice to either learn his father’s trade or go to a grammar school, Swami at first opted for the former, but was forced to take up the latter after a supposed disastrous mishap when the ten-year-old Swami allegedly accidentally sold the Gallerio household’s own carpet. At school, Swami learnt Pallum (the native Paledune tongue), Aedrian, and Dorathian (which was an esoteric, if not altogether dead language at the time). It was here he was first exposed to the possibilities of language. Swami found Aedrian too simple, and Dorathian beautiful but also too difficult. Therefore, he started writing his first poems in Pallum.
Swami owed part of his early poetic growth to his teacher, Nalori Khan*. He is not mentioned in any other text or source besides Swami’s own memoirs, but his impact on the young poet was apparently profound. Khan mentored Swami in his grasp of language, and was a poet himself, often letting his young student stay behind after classes to write with him. But starting from Swami’s sixteenth birthday, Khan was suddenly and abruptly omitted from Swami’s writings. No mention of him is made past said point. Two theories have been posed: either Nalori Khan died, and Swami simply refused to note it, or they had a falling out. Either way, it is unknown why Swami still retained his prior experiences with Khan - perhaps to preserve memories of happier times.
When Swami was eighteen, he graduated from school and became an apprentice to a port scribe, recording the cargoes of trade caravans to and from the gates of Paradise. It was an incredibly dull and boring job, and Swami regularly kept finding himself regretting the day he had refused the path of his father. But it did come with its upsides, among which was plenty of free time. Swami spent most of his time at work coming up with new ideas for poems, inspired by the mysterious wares the traders brought with them and the wide, empty expanse of desert he had a great view of from outside his office window.
When Swami was twenty, he published Odes, his first book of poems. He gained almost immediate national acclaim, being noted in several chronicles of the time and even had fans from as far as Bylleseus. His then-considered magnum opus was To Paradise, an ode dedicated to the beauty of his home city of the same name. In the same poem, Swami made his first mention of Paledune’s military might - probably inspired by recent tensions with the Bronzespear Clan.
For his poetic gifts, Lord Governor Ilerio Morningstar granted Swami a minor position in his royal court in 131. For the next two years, Swami found himself writing on silk pillows, walking in the Lord Governor’s personal gardens, and conversing with some of the most powerful generals, ministers, and chamberlains in Paledune. His poetry flourished, and he published compilation after compilation (the most noteworthy of these being Marigold (132) and Diamond Ballads (133).
Swami had also unfortunately entered the royal court in a time of great discord, intrigue, and deadly politics. The court was divided into two factions, namely those supporting Illerio Morningstar and those who supported his more radical son, Saero Duskguard. Saero accused Morningstar of corruption, power playing and graft, while the latter in turn accused the former of wanting the throne for himself and even colluding with the Bronzespears of the Ancient Steppe. Paradise was slowly being ripped apart by the secret war. However, Swami was somehow immune to it all, talking of roses and silver while his compatriots plotted assassinations or gossiped about politics. Most of those within the royal court remember Swami for his innocence, his inspired, unassuming personality, his unwillingness to get involved in actual politics, and his ability to provide a neutral, untainted haven between the two factions. As one courtier described it, Swami was the kind of man that, when a stabbing was being discussed, would instead remark on the beautiful blood red petals of a nearby flower. Swami was also very open about his personal life, the writings of those who had heard his biographical anecdotes used as cross-references for Swami’s own autobiographies.
Swami also reportedly had a lover, a handmaiden called Azuka. Swami, surprisingly, did not write a lot about her, but in his memoirs said that being with her was 'a sea of calm, of grace, of a happiness that was simply content.' Azuka is not mentioned anywhere in Swami's writings dated after 133.
Then in 133, Illerio Morningstar was assassinated in front of Swami’s eyes at a royal dinner. The official account was bad food, but Swami and everyone else in the court knew the truth. Swami remembered Illerio’s ‘hacking cough, the slow reddening of his bulging eyes, and his scarlet cape billowing over his limp body’. A few weeks later, Saero Duskguard Sunwalker was crowned Sultan of Paradise. Swami was politically unharmed by the chaotic turn of events, but his witnessing of the depravity and the greed of mankind somehow affected him - scholars note his decreasing lyrical quality from that time onward.
Saero’s first action as Sultan was, in a surprising turn of events, to declare war on the Bronzespears. By chance, Swami happened to be accompanying the invading forces and wrote firsthand accounts of the Battles of Garyekon and the Toryu. In a last, divine moment of inspiration, Swami wrote his true magnum opus: Heavenswrath. In the thirty-stanza long work, Swami described the serene petals of a newly blossomed chrysanthemum beside the bleeding body of a wounded Paledune soldier. It has been hailed by scholars worldwide as the ultimate symbol of the loss of innocence, of the awakening of the soul to a dark reality it had for years dreamed about but never experienced.
Little is known about Swami’s later life. He published Skyborn, his own personal memoir, of which most of his biographical information was obtained. He died in 140 from pneumonia without any known family, and was given a modest burial in the Lord Governor’s gardens in which he loved to wander so much. On his gravestone, it simply reads:
'I have lived, and laughed, and lost'
- Swami Heavendawn Gallerio, 140
*It is unknown why his name does not follow normal Paledunian naming conventions.
In this roleplay, you take upon the role of an ancient chronicler tasked with documenting the exploits of an important individual. This individual may be any manner of folk, although principally the subjects of the chronicles are those endowed with the wealth, charisma, or fame to obtain such a history. No document here is a perfect truth; all are riddled with interpretation and fanciful thought, not to mention outright lies. Even the most scholarly of volumes contains the unwitting biases of the author.
To supply such exploits that the chronicles will detail, a simulation is maintained that dictates how the world progresses. The simulation will dictate how borders expand and contract, how wars and politics unfold, and the lives of individuals.
The simulation will provide a basic outline of events as well as hard records. The IC thread itself is analogous to a large history textbook containing excerpts from the great poets and record-keepers of the day.
To maintain a unity in style that would be found in translated and ancient documents, a style guide is included. The guide contains the optimal provisions for creating a singular format and maintaining the plausibility of a single translator whilst maintaining a vast diversity of voices that contribute to the text.
Over time, as details are fleshed out by chroniclers and poets and the generations advance, a rich history will emerge.
The beauty of this system lies in there being no commitment to write at certain post schedules or even commit to writing more than one post. Players have the option of writing one post and leaving from disinterest, maintaining short bursts of high activity followed by hibernation, and writing to please creative whims rather than being bound to a single story or character for any length longer than a post.
Co-GMs
Currently, I am looking for Co-GMs to help me run the simulation and manage the roleplay. Their responsibilities are threefold:
Counseling If a dispute ever arises, it would be your responsibility to set up a PM between all GMs and the entagled parties to settle disagreements and reach a mutually satisfactory conclusion. The main element here is not being a dingus.
Community A Co-GM would have the responsibility to engage in the live chat, OOC discussion, and recruitment efforts as much as possible. Keeping others engaged is key to spawning a community with strong ties to the roleplay, and in the process creating activity. GMs are exempt from the 'low committal' status enjoyed by players.
Creativity The central role of a Co-GM is to provide creative input regarding the simulation and the roleplay at large. You need not be a math genius or even good with dice or numbers to apply, rather general helpfulness and pleasantness is the quality at play. Making sure that the simulation churns out nicely, updates are posted, and covering each other in the case of absence is included here.
The rewards for becoming a Co-GM are mostly my gratitude, but creative input and the satisfaction associated with growing a project are ample enough incentive (in my experience and opinion) for those willing to put forth the effort.
Setting
The roleplay takes place in a landscape rife with conflict and intrigue. As larger empires develop, great feats of technology and academia compete alongside formidable armies against a rich mosaic of cultures for the glory of the land. Beyond the cradle of civilization lies the wilderness and deserts, untamed and hostile lands home to nomads and exiles. Deep in the hidden pockets of fruit groves, swamps, ruins, and moonlit dunes the edges of legend and fact blur, and the commonfolk whisper strange tales of sorcery and beasts. In the halls of marble and gold, diplomats clothed in silk converse with their equals in status from far-flung lands across seas and oceans as the likes of gods watch over from the carved pillars. Merchant vessels and caravans arrive by the dozen to feed the luxurious tastes of the nobility. This is the land of Irenaea, named for the man who united her and forged the tribes and cities of the fertile plains into a fierce empire in one mighty fire.
In an age long ago, it is said that the likes of faries and demons walked the land in the same numbers as man, but this age has long passed into myth. At most a score of such beings survive to the date, though powerful they are. They opt for recluse in the hidden places of the world, though some opt to join mortal society, often in disguise. Now only man remains to forge his destiny.
Magic, nevertheless, remains in the world, at least to a degree. Principally, unless great power or great sacrifice is present, it is only capable of doing things that could have possibly been done without it, often referred to as thaumaturgies. Almost all magic comes from a religion, and nearly all sorcerers are therefore Holy Men. Most villages of decent size have at least one that may bless pregnancies and extent lives to mitigate the historical effects of child mortality and extremely short lifespans. The average lifespan adjusted for this magic is around sixty to eighty depending on the area, or seventy to ninety if you reach forty unharmed. Battles are also blessed by Holy Men on both sides, usually cancelling the efforts of their counterparts. Holy Men are also charged with protecting the harvest, a fundamental struggle in agrarian communities. The most powerful Holy Men are able to manifest their power in the form of a physical transformation - glowing eyes, increased stature, or in extremely rare and unconfirmed cases, levitation. Rumors say the the priestesses and witches of the Western Cults use magic to increase their bodily appeal, which in turn fuels their magic.
It is worth noting that this setting will be thematically authentic to human history - sexism, xenophobia, racism, societal injustice, and a whole host of other nasty things are a part of this roleplay. Use these aspects of life wisely to draw emotion from the modern reader, but balance this with the fact that the character's views and the historian's views on the matter are likely totally divorced from your own. The rule on maturity (and sensitivity) applies doubly here.
For reference, use the year 300 BC/BCE for technological comparison. Irenaea is significantly more fuedal than this, but most principles of warfare from that time period apply. As time progresses in the roleplay, so will technological advancements.
The Farie Court - It is said that in a distant and far away ring of oak trees in the Treewall, there lives four faries with four oaks, one for autumn, one for winter, one for spring, and one for summer, and the faries govern one each. Foresters leave gifts for the faries (apples in autumn, pastries in winter, berries in spring, and honey in summer) as payment for the woods, and particularly fortunate and charming woodsmen are known to be visited by faries bearing gifts of their own. The faries float on butterfly wings and are clothed in fine and translucent silk dresses.
The Lord of Three Hundred Heads - Long ago in lower Meadland, a lord was given a prophecy by a holy man that a commoner of his village would take his life. Scared and furious, he called a feast in his halls, and bade every man and woman come. He left the hall, locked the doors behind him, and sent in three mercenary knights to behead every soul inside the hall. The Holy Man watched and was horrified that his prophecy had been used to this end. He then proceeded to take his own knife and behead the lord, and beheaded himself from guilt shortly thereafter. The three knights were found hanged from the castle walls the next morning, and the bodies rotted on the floor of the hall, with no heads to be found. Legend says that the lord rose from the dead and wears any number of faces to stalk gamblers and naughty children.
The Isle of Pygmies - It is said that several pygmies inhabit Delop, an isle in the Goldsea. They are said to have the ability to jump eight kilometers from the beaches to any ship and seize the vessel. The ships are sailed deep within the cove, and ran aground. The resulting collection of ships crafted by the pygmie's magic carries all manners of luxury and is said to have filled the cove and be built to the height of a tall tower.
The Blades of the Ancient Steppe - The nomads tell tales of a witch that rides in the night to place swords in the dirt and sand. They shine like silver and have hilts of gold, but each blade is enchanted to strike through the unlucky explorer's heart upon unsheathing. Upon impact, the swords whither into sticks. Legends exist of men able to withstand the blow, mostly by wearing exceptionally heavy armor. In the cases the sword withers into a stick after about a minute of trying, and the victim tends to fall ill soon after. These blades are known as Witchblades, and there are stories of rival chiefs asking the witch to gift these blades to rivals.
Grove Goblins - In orchards and fruit grooves, pickers report small scaly creatures, no larger than a small child, mostly covered in leaves, twigs, and animal carcasses. They steal fruit from the trees and abduct any child under twelve that is sufficiently gullible to eat an apple if offered. Some stories claim they have a series of tunnels throughout the continents with strange machinery leading the center of the world.
The Ghost Sultan - Long ago, a sultan is said to have been so frustrated with his servants that he took into service a witch to remove their will, allowing the sultan to control their every action. Satisfied, he refused to pay the witch, and she then cursed his lands and subjects to be exiled to the realm of spirits. The sultan is said to create mirages of fanciful bazaars and palaces to attract new servants when they enter such places.
The Masrak - In a time long past, within a lush, green forest, there lived a group of winged sisters, who sang to one another through day and night. Their music was pure, melodious, and could bring anyone who listened to it to tears. One day, an evil, malevolent sorcerer descended upon the forest, enraged by the sweetness that were the sisters' songs. Intent on claiming the beautiful forest for himself, the sorcerer attacked the sisters in the night. One by one, they were struck down. Their voices ceased. The last sister fled in terror, escaping the sorcerer's wrath through luck alone. That night, for the first time in years, silence reigned over the rocks. Only then did the sorcerer realize his mistake, for beneath the rocks slumbered a terrifying beast, lulled by the sisters' songs. Without their voices to soothe its slumber, the beast awoke in rage. It exploded out from the ground, bellowing only one word. "Masrak". The Masrak was tall as a mountain, with hundreds of spikes along its body. Six fiendish arms split from its serpentine body, and its mouth glimmered with a thousand sharp teeth. The immense monster knew nothing but destruction and death, and the sorcerer watched in panic as the once prosperous woodland was torn asunder. With nothing left to rule, the sorcerer fled, conjuring a strong wind to fly him as far away from the Masrak as possible. The foul beast was unstoppable. Then the youngest of the winged sisters, emboldened by the sorcerer's cowardice, returned to the ruins of her home. She began to sing, her young voice cutting through the Masrak's rage. The beast's eyelids grew heavy, and it yearned to return to its nest. It turned its five eyes to the singing sister, plucked her from the earth, and burrowed into the sand with its prize. @Mercenary Lord
Senekirzana - Before man, massive beings walked the Earth. Their true size, spread, and power is unknown, with only massive bones to show that they ever existed at all. The bones of the Senekirzana have been found in each of the great mountain ranges, in varying amounts, leading scholars to believe that they may have existed across the land at some point in the past. Some appear to have been as large as Dragons. Indeed, some theorize that the Senekirzana were a precursor species to the legendary dragons of modern times. @Mercenary Lord
]Dragons of the West - Somewhere along the way, the Western Dragons were filled with rage, anger, and evil. Western Dragons sightings have occurred in nearly all of the western countries, with killing, burning, and pillaging to accompany them. These dragons have been seen in any number of colors and sizes, from black behemoths to red implings. Some are more intelligent and evil than others, choosing to use their size and power to create small areas of influence. Cults, towns kept in constant fear. Torstav the Burner's was known for his devoted followers assisted it in carving the faces of its enemies from their still living bodies, and stringing them along his scales in a horrid criss-cross. A Western's only limitations is their size and ingenuity, for few can stand against a dragon at its peak. They are most notable in Baldugtagee, where a Church was formed around hunting them to extinction in ancient times.@Mercenary Lord
Dragons of the Green - The Dragons of Greenfall are said to be of pure heart and mind, untainted by the darkness of their Western brethren. Boasting immense intelligence, these dragons of green, white, and silver scales are said to help those who have lost their way, either physically, or in a more spiritual sense. The sizes of these noble creatures vary with the telling, with some Green Dragons being larger than the trees they call their homes, while others flit about at fey sizes, perching on the shoulders of passersby to give them wise advice. @Mercenary Lord
More legends exist, and any ideas from players as to additional pieces of folklore to include in this compendium are wholly welcomed.
This is a rough approximation of the lands and intentionally not overly detailed. It should provide a sense of the locations discussed.
The Powers of Irenaea
These are the seats of power the roleplay will chronicle. Details are intentionally light and designed to be filled in by the players. As time moves forward, new powers will be added and some will die out.
[Houses under construction.]
The Faiths
The Treefaith - A collection of zealots throughout Meadland and the Treewall, mostly comprised of Easterners. They are animists and shamans that pray to oak trees and sags and perform blood sacrifices to keep vengeful spirits of illness and famine at bay. A group of Treefaith druids maintain a large holy site at the peak of the Greenmountain and the surrounding area.
Church of Dragonslaying - A Church based in Baldugtagee dedicated to the eradication of dragons. The church claims that dragons walk among the world in the form of agents of deceit and vice, and they furthermore hold the virtues of purity, chastity, humility, and righteousness to be critical to gaining the favor of the angels and heavens.
The Pantheon - This temple encompasses the common faith of Aedria and Bylleseus. The Major Pantheon, mostly universal in the regions that practice, is comprised of the Crone, the Judge, the Warrior, the Maiden, the Tempest, the Bachelor, the Father, and the Messenger. Interpretations of the roles of these deities vary wildly. The temple also accepts an uncountable variety of local gods and goddesses that collectively form the Minor Pantheon. The adaptability of this religion has made it widespread throughout Irenaea. The gods of the Pantheon are collectively referred to as 'the Ascendants'.
Hammerchurch - This faith worships Heavenhammer, an agent of divine will and flame. He is said to be equal parts Judge, Vindicator, and Father. The church calls upon all members to carry out his will, mainly that all men obey the Code of the Hammer (comprised of various tenets regarding lifestyle and behavior). This religion is mainly practiced in Paledune and the Shimmering Coast, with its main holy site being located in Paradise.
The Western Cults - Animistic and occultist religions from Witchhaunt to Baldugtagee fall into this category. Common Western Cults worship ancestors, demons, sky spirits, tree spirits, monsters, elves, or some combination. They all tend involve pacts for power in the material world in exchange for carrying out certain deeds and religious duties, and very few make any mention of afterlives.
Stylistics
Generally, stylistics come down to reconciling that all posts are translated documents, that they were translated by the same person, and maintaining a common format. To that effect, here is a quick checklist to make sure your post complies:
- Make sure your post only uses metric units. Google has an excellent conversion tool. [This rule maintains transnational consistency, since the same translator would not use different systems.]
- All words that have English meanings are spelled out. For example, the characters King Friedrich Fischer and Lord Hans Muller should be King Friedrich Fisher(man) and Lord Hans Miller, because these meanings are clearer to English readers. [This rule maintains formatting consistency, since as much information as possible is given directly to the audience.]
- Format your posts like the post below.
The Life of George Washington President George Washington, 1732-1799
Never did the wise Ulysses take more pains with his beloved Telemachus, than did Mr. Washington with George, to inspire him with an early love of truth. “Truth, George”‘ (said he) “is the loveliest quality of youth. I would ride fifty miles, my son, to see the little boy whose heart is so honest, and his lips so pure, that we may depend on every word he says. O how lovely does such a child appear in the eyes of every body! His parents doat on him; his relations glory in him; they are constantly praising him to their children, whom they beg to imitate him. They are often sending for him, to visit them; and receive him, when he comes, with as much joy as if he were a little angel, come to set pretty examples to their children.”
“But, Oh! how different, George, is the case with the boy who is so given to lying, that nobody can believe a word he says! He is looked at with aversion wherever he goes, and parents dread to see him come among their children. Oh, George! my son! rather than see you come to this pass, dear as you are to my heart, gladly would I assist to nail you up in your little coffin, and follow you to your grave. Hard, indeed, would it be to me to give up my son, whose little feet are always so ready to run about with me, and whose fondly looking eyes and sweet prattle make so large a part of my happiness: but still I would give him up, rather than see him a common liar.
“Pa, (said George very seriously) do I ever tell lies?”
“No, George, I thank God you do not, my son; and I rejoice in the hope you never will. At least, you shall never, from me, have cause to be guilty of so shameful a thing. Many parents, indeed, even compel their children to this vile practice, by barbarously beating them for every little fault; hence, on the next offence, the little terrified creature slips out a lie! just to escape the rod. But as to yourself, George, you know I have always told you, and now tell you again, that, whenever by accident you do any thing wrong, which must often be the case, as you are but a poor little boy yet, without experience or knowledge, never tell a falsehood to conceal it; but come bravely up, my son, like a little man, and tell me of it: and instead of beating you, George, I will but the more honour and love you for it, my dear.”
This, you’ll say, was sowing good seed!–Yes, it was: and the crop, thank God, was, as I believe it ever will be, where a man acts the true parent, that is, the Guardian Angel, by his child.
The following anecdote is a case in point. It is too valuable to be lost, and too true to be doubted; for it was communicated to me by the same excellent lady to whom I am indebted for the last.
“When George,” said she, “was about six years old, he was made the wealthy master of a hatchet! of which, like most little boys, he was immoderately fond, and was constantly going about chopping every thing that came in his way. One day, in the garden, where he often amused himself hacking his mother’s pea-sticks, he unluckily tried the edge of his hatchet on the body of a beautiful young English cherry-tree, which he barked so terribly, that I don’t believe the tree ever got the better of it. The next morning the old gentleman finding out what had befallen his tree, which, by the by, was a great favourite, came into the house, and with much warmth asked for the mischievous author, declaring at the same time, that he would not have taken five guineas for his tree. Nobody could tell him any thing about it. Presently George and his hatchet made their appearance. George, said his father, do you know who killed that beautiful little cherry-tree yonder in the garden? This was a tough question; and George staggered under it for a moment; but quickly recovered himself: and looking at his father, with the sweet face of youth brightened with the inexpressible charm of all-conquering truth, he bravely cried out, “I can’t tell a lie, Pa; you know I can’t tell a lie. I did cut it with my hatchet.”–Run to my arms, you dearest boy, cried his father in transports, run to my arms; glad am I, George, that you killed my tree; for you have paid me for it a thousand fold. Such an act of heroism in my son, is more worth than a thousand trees, though blossomed with silver, and their fruits of purest gold.
The Tale of Psyche
Psyche was the goddess of the soul and the wife of Eros, god of love.
She was once a mortal princess whose extraordinary beauty earned the ire of Aphrodite when men began turning their worship away from the goddess towards the girl. Aphrodite commanded Eros make Psyche fall in love with the most hideous of men but the god instead fell in love and carried her off to his hidden palace. Eros hid his true identity and told Psyche she must never gaze upon his face. Her jealous sisters, however, tricked her into disobeying and the angry god forsook her. Psyche searched the world for her lost love and eventually came into the service of Aphrodite. The goddess commanded her perform a series of seemingly impossible tasks which culminated in a journey to the Underworld. Psyche was afterwards reunited with Eros and the couple were married in a ceremony attended by all the gods.
Note that is is an excellent example of the type of post that fits well here: selective biographical histories and tall tales. That said, obviously the actual writing here does not comply with the style guide. The things to note here are: - The (In Character) author's name is noted in the quote, as well as the year it was written (no abbreviations; here we will just be using negative years should they apply (-382 instead of 382 BC/BCE)), all of which is properly bolded. - Each excerpt from a longer work has it's own quote (I didn't actually cut anything between the quotes here but it exists for example purposes). [It's worth noting that all posts are presumed to be excerpts, and regardless of whether or not yours is, the body of the text should be completely within a quote.] - The header lists the individual the biographer is talking about, as well as dates of birth and death in the proper format. - The post has an italicized title at the top. - The folklore post includes a 'ca.' (circa) denoting an approximate date of publication. [This rule, somewhat obviously, maintains formatting consistency.]
- Check that your post is free of wordplay, rhyming, and other tricks of the English language. Translated documents should not include these since these tricks only apply to one language. Real world examples include The Internationale, which had to go through quite a bit of revision to attain any amount of cadence in English and other langauges, as well other ancient epics such as Homer's works and the Bhagavad Gita (which is why the Oppenheimer quote sounds so queer). [This rule maintains the illusion of a translated document.]
- A few general notes, remember to write out whole numbers between one and ten (weird rule but it exists), not to use contractions (this is considered bad form in longer writing), and use the Oxford comma (for the sake of authorial consistency). As well, using any kind of slang is heavily discouraged, and all prose should present dialogue in nonfiction format, not script or novel dialogue. Poetry is exempt from some of this, although aspiring poets should be wary of the spirit of the guide.
- Including graphics in your post may be helpful, but it's a good idea to PM a GM ahead of time if you plan to. Generally, graphics are more the role of the GMs. This isn't always the best case for things like portraits though, so if you have a strong interest feel free to PM. Note, though, that only classical styles that would have been available before or during roughly 0 AD/CE (excluding anime, almost any digital drawing that isn't quite convincing, or pretty much anything on paper) is off limits. Note that this excludes graphical styles which weren't common as well. Meaning, if you find some source that says anime was being embryonically developed in Japan in this time period and we have one drawing with suitably large eyes in the entire historical record, I still won't let you. If you are you using graphics, only images you made yourself and for this roleplay are acceptable (certain generators may have exceptions). The primary exception here is modern reconstructions, namely maps, diagrams of battle tactics, and infographics. Graphics do not necessarily need to be posted from the perspective of a historian. Contact a GM for instructions on formatting. [This rule maintains the illusion of a translated document by making sure that art has a common theme.]
- Don't use bolds, underlines, italics, or any other such formatting in the body of your post, unless you are referencing another work in the simulation (which is likely rare), in which case you should italicize that title. [This rule maintains the illusion of a common translator, as the same translator would apply the same formatting to all works.]
If you have any questions about the style guide and/or would like a GM to check it over, send a PM and we'd be happy too!
Note that if your post doesn't meet these guidelines, we will ask for you to fix it, but that does not mean you are banned or that your post was bad or anything of the sort. We understand that these guidelines can take some getting used to, and so long as you're willing to work with us, we'll generally be a lot nicer about it.
Perspectives and POVs
To clarify what is said in the premise, you are writing as people within the simulation. Specifically, your accounts will be published as primary sources documenting the events happening in the world. This isn't always the case though if you are writing about far off events (for example writing a secondary account of Irenaeus's conquests in the year 200). All posts must be written before the current simulation year. To see what simulation year it is, check the [Characters] tab. Beyond this, you have broad authority on what you'd enjoy posting. You may post about an event, a character, a whole dynasty, a piece of folklore, anything. Traditionally, chronicles would tell the entirety of of one life story, but you're welcome to play around with this. Beyond that, your post may be poetry, songs contemporary to the events, articles, declarations, transcriptions of the edicts of the rulers, really anything you'd like. Just follow the style guide and you'll be fine.
Rules
I. Be mature. There are themes in this roleplay that are, frankly, vile. The historians you are playing as don't usually think that. That is acceptable, but these themes should be handled with sensitivity. There is no reason to be more graphic than the extent you need to convey emotional detail.
II. Follow the style guide. Consistency in style is very important to his roleplay; the IC should seem like one volume translated by the same person, like one massive digital library formatted uniformly. This isn't because that is more loyal how history works, but rather because makes the IC look nicer and maintain consistency. Being hostile about this will see you removed (although feedback and criticism, if civil, is absolutely acceptable).
III. Go with the flow. Work within the simulation. You have wide latitude to outright lie and at times this is appropriate, but try to base your lies on things that happen in the simulation. As well, the more you reference (even if you don't corroborate) the chronicles of other authors, the more the world feels fleshed out and real. Most characters provided by the simulation will intentionally be tied to other characters to prompt you, but you need to do the heavy lifting. Remember, nobody 'owns' a character, a nation, or a culture. Godmodding doesn't apply.
IV. Try to stay active in the OOC even if you aren't writing. I know I said this wasn't mandatory, and it isn't, but it helps keep things alive through low activity-periods.
V. Don't be a dingus. Pretty self-explanatory.
This sounds interesting...
Great! The best thing to do is either start writing if you're feeling creative and you've read through all the material, or (the more recommended option) post in the OOC asking for some help getting caught up, and join the discord to speak more fluidly. Happy writing!
Hey guys, I know I said the OOC would be up yesterday and then kinda flip-flopped to today, but some unforeseen events took place and I became strapped for time. I'm going as fast as I can, but in the interest of not pushing out something that isn't the quality it should be, I've elected to continue work on the post for a bit. At absolute latest it will come out Thursday, but I'm trying to make it sooner. If the stars align I may be able to get it out tonight.
Yay! I feel important. Here is my WIP: Official Government Name: The Most Holy and Majestic Grand Sultanate of the Rainlands, the Winter Isles, and the Glorious Dygracia [the Dygracian Sultanate, the Grand Sultanate, Dygracia Major] Head of State: His Holy Majesty, the Grand Sultan Ozkirk the Goldshield, of the Royal House Zajek, the Wise and Fair Lion of Dygracia, He Who Presides from the Gilded Throne, Born to His Divine Grace Jyter the Silverlion Under the Dolphin One-Score-and-Twelve Winters Past, Anointed by the Honorable Electors and Messengers of Heavenly Will Eleven Autumns Past, the Mighty Lord of the Abyss and the Inferno, Father of the Harvest, Divine Protector of Man, Long May His Valor Reign. [His Divine Grace Ozkirk the Goldshield of Zajek, Grand Sultan of Dygracia] Capital City: Dygracia National Language: Dygracian Basic Demographics: (What is the geography like?) [I think this was confused...] -------------------------------------------------- I.Nation - Population: 6 - Stability: 3 - Landmass: 3 - Demographics: 2 - Civilian Industry: 5 - Armaments Industry: 4 - Infrastructure: 6 - Naval Industry: 5
II. Military: - Army Size: 1 - Army Training: 1 - Army Technology: 1 - Navy Size: 3 - Navy Training: 4 - Navy Technology: 5
III. Economics: - Rare Resources: 4 - Common Resources: 2 - Luxury Resources: 2 - Bureaucracy: 6
I'll add more to the demographics, but this feels light for an advanced roleplay TBH.
[hider=World in Madness: Hunt for an Arbiter]
I am currently looking for arbiters for a new roleplay I am launching, World in Madness. The basic pitch is as follows:
You are the executive administration of a modern nation emerging from a bitter global cataclysm. It is your task to sway a cynical populace toward your ideals and navigate a world polarized by ideologues and threatened by the specter of the apocalypse. You will guide your the broken remains of a state and reforge the ashes into a bright dawn.
The setting is most aptly described as a roughly dieselpunk-apocalyptic setting heavily augmented by the physics and patterns of our own world. Various superweapons beyond nuclear technology will eventually be available, some of which will not be strictly scientific.
In the initial application phase, interested parties will send in the manifestos of their administration, and then be returned key events in their historical timeline that tie them to the rest of the world. In the final application phase, prospects send in a comprehensive information sheet including their administration's view of their history. After this, a full public and private national information sheet will be assembled with the information the interested has given and a full report of their nations inner workings.
Posts are from the perspective of primary sources in the nation, often state newspapers and required readings, although possibly more independent sources. As such, no post is ever considered actual canon. Two sides can both claim they won a conflict when in reality they tied. Very little minusha-moderation is required, as it is completely possible that multiple primary sources claim different versions of events.
As a note about my personal directing style, I do enforce minimum word counts and a strict style guide. Given such, I have never had to kick anybody for bad writing; only because they broke hard rules. If you are extremely uncomfortable with the idea of word minimums, this may not be the place to inquire. I try to be fair with the actual numbers; they are standards of effort rather than results. Until I see proof that less quantity leads to higher quality, I also won't buy any bit about quality over quantity. If you have further questions on stylistics than what is covered here, feel free to ask.
The roleplay is a competitive one, although not one that will permit blatant rudeness toward any arbitration. High spirits are to be expected but respect is demanded.
In an arbiter, I'm looking for somebody above all committed to creating an immersive and compelling experience. No particular skillset is required, although arbiters will be tasked with interpreting player agendas and formulating results and player information sheets. Some experience with GMing in the past (even if not forum-based or NRPs) is preferred although not required. In addition, one of the chief roles of arbiters is creative development, and in this it should be noted that I am rarely looking for an argument so much as case to be made for a change and/or a diagnosis of an issue. Respecting a design process is key here. Finally, the role of an arbiter also extends into keeping the OOC community active. It is my personal experience that groups of any size live or die based on their OOC activity and bonds with one another, even over the internet.
If you're interested, please say so. I have a fledgling discord set up but if you aren't really sure you want to take the plunge then PMing me or just asking questions is likely the best course of action.
Concept art:
Title: [img]http://i.imgur.com/ICan37F.png[/img]
Discord Icon: [img]http://i.imgur.com/GV5YN5C.png[/img]
Chalam System: [img]http://i.imgur.com/NwkiTia.png[/img]
(Chalam system, from left to right: Shemensh, the star, Nagah, the stellar satellite, Sheol the Red Planet, Kokhav, Homeworld, Levanah her moon, Shamayhim the Blue Planet, Madim the Gas Giant, her moon the silent Shabbatai, and the Kesil Belt.)
Preliminary Physical Map: [img]http://i.imgur.com/nn40c6D.png[/img]
[/hider]
[hider=The Last of the Federalist Papers]
ACCORDING to the formal division of the subject of these papers, announced in my first number, there would appear still to remain for discussion two points: ``the analogy of the proposed government to your own State constitution,'' and ``the additional security which its adoption will afford to republican government, to liberty, and to property.'' But these heads have been so fully anticipated and exhausted in the progress of the work, that it would now scarcely be possible to do any thing more than repeat, in a more dilated form, what has been heretofore said, which the advanced stage of the question, and the time already spent upon it, conspire to forbid.
It is remarkable, that the resemblance of the plan of the convention to the act which organizes the government of this State holds, not less with regard to many of the supposed defects, than to the real excellences of the former. Among the pretended defects are the re-eligibility of the Executive, the want of a council, the omission of a formal bill of rights, the omission of a provision respecting the liberty of the press. These and several others which have been noted in the course of our inquiries are as much chargeable on the existing constitution of this State, as on the one proposed for the Union; and a man must have slender pretensions to consistency, who can rail at the latter for imperfections which he finds no difficulty in excusing in the former. Nor indeed can there be a better proof of the insincerity and affectation of some of the zealous adversaries of the plan of the convention among us, who profess to be the devoted admirers of the government under which they live, than the fury with which they have attacked that plan, for matters in regard to which our own constitution is equally or perhaps more vulnerable.
The additional securities to republican government, to liberty and to property, to be derived from the adoption of the plan under consideration, consist chiefly in the restraints which the preservation of the Union will impose on local factions and insurrections, and on the ambition of powerful individuals in single States, who may acquire credit and influence enough, from leaders and favorites, to become the despots of the people; in the diminution of the opportunities to foreign intrigue, which the dissolution of the Confederacy would invite and facilitate; in the prevention of extensive military establishments, which could not fail to grow out of wars between the States in a disunited situation; in the express guaranty of a republican form of government to each; in the absolute and universal exclusion of titles of nobility; and in the precautions against the repetition of those practices on the part of the State governments which have undermined the foundations of property and credit, have planted mutual distrust in the breasts of all classes of citizens, and have occasioned an almost universal prostration of morals.
Thus have I, fellow-citizens, executed the task I had assigned to myself; with what success, your conduct must determine. I trust at least you will admit that I have not failed in the assurance I gave you respecting the spirit with which my endeavors should be conducted. I have addressed myself purely to your judgments, and have studiously avoided those asperities which are too apt to disgrace political disputants of all parties, and which have been not a little provoked by the language and conduct of the opponents of the Constitution. The charge of a conspiracy against the liberties of the people, which has been indiscriminately brought against the advocates of the plan, has something in it too wanton and too malignant, not to excite the indignation of every man who feels in his own bosom a refutation of the calumny. The perpetual changes which have been rung upon the wealthy, the well-born, and the great, have been such as to inspire the disgust of all sensible men. And the unwarrantable concealments and misrepresentations which have been in various ways practiced to keep the truth from the public eye, have been of a nature to demand the reprobation of all honest men. It is not impossible that these circumstances may have occasionally betrayed me into intemperances of expression which I did not intend; it is certain that I have frequently felt a struggle between sensibility and moderation; and if the former has in some instances prevailed, it must be my excuse that it has been neither often nor much.
Let us now pause and ask ourselves whether, in the course of these papers, the proposed Constitution has not been satisfactorily vindicated from the aspersions thrown upon it; and whether it has not been shown to be worthy of the public approbation, and necessary to the public safety and prosperity. Every man is bound to answer these questions to himself, according to the best of his conscience and understanding, and to act agreeably to the genuine and sober dictates of his judgment. This is a duty from which nothing can give him a dispensation. 'T is one that he is called upon, nay, constrained by all the obligations that form the bands of society, to discharge sincerely and honestly. No partial motive, no particular interest, no pride of opinion, no temporary passion or prejudice, will justify to himself, to his country, or to his posterity, an improper election of the part he is to act. Let him beware of an obstinate adherence to party; let him reflect that the object upon which he is to decide is not a particular interest of the community, but the very existence of the nation; and let him remember that a majority of America has already given its sanction to the plan which he is to approve or reject.
I shall not dissemble that I feel an entire confidence in the arguments which recommend the proposed system to your adoption, and that I am unable to discern any real force in those by which it has been opposed. I am persuaded that it is the best which our political situation, habits, and opinions will admit, and superior to any the revolution has produced.
Concessions on the part of the friends of the plan, that it has not a claim to absolute perfection, have afforded matter of no small triumph to its enemies. ``Why,'' say they, ``should we adopt an imperfect thing? Why not amend it and make it perfect before it is irrevocably established?'' This may be plausible enough, but it is only plausible. In the first place I remark, that the extent of these concessions has been greatly exaggerated. They have been stated as amounting to an admission that the plan is radically defective, and that without material alterations the rights and the interests of the community cannot be safely confided to it. This, as far as I have understood the meaning of those who make the concessions, is an entire perversion of their sense. No advocate of the measure can be found, who will not declare as his sentiment, that the system, though it may not be perfect in every part, is, upon the whole, a good one; is the best that the present views and circumstances of the country will permit; and is such an one as promises every species of security which a reasonable people can desire.
I answer in the next place, that I should esteem it the extreme of imprudence to prolong the precarious state of our national affairs, and to expose the Union to the jeopardy of successive experiments, in the chimerical pursuit of a perfect plan. I never expect to see a perfect work from imperfect man. The result of the deliberations of all collective bodies must necessarily be a compound, as well of the errors and prejudices, as of the good sense and wisdom, of the individuals of whom they are composed. The compacts which are to embrace thirteen distinct States in a common bond of amity and union, must as necessarily be a compromise of as many dissimilar interests and inclinations. How can perfection spring from such materials?
The reasons assigned in an excellent little pamphlet lately published in this city, are unanswerable to show the utter improbability of assembling a new convention, under circumstances in any degree so favorable to a happy issue, as those in which the late convention met, deliberated, and concluded. I will not repeat the arguments there used, as I presume the production itself has had an extensive circulation. It is certainly well worthy the perusal of every friend to his country. There is, however, one point of light in which the subject of amendments still remains to be considered, and in which it has not yet been exhibited to public view. I cannot resolve to conclude without first taking a survey of it in this aspect.
It appears to me susceptible of absolute demonstration, that it will be far more easy to obtain subsequent than previous amendments to the Constitution. The moment an alteration is made in the present plan, it becomes, to the purpose of adoption, a new one, and must undergo a new decision of each State. To its complete establishment throughout the Union, it will therefore require the concurrence of thirteen States. If, on the contrary, the Constitution proposed should once be ratified by all the States as it stands, alterations in it may at any time be effected by nine States. Here, then, the chances are as thirteen to ten in favor of subsequent amendment, rather than of the original adoption of an entire system.
This is not all. Every Constitution for the United States must inevitably consist of a great variety of particulars, in which thirteen independent States are to be accommodated in their interests or opinions of interest. We may of course expect to see, in any body of men charged with its original formation, very different combinations of the parts upon different points. Many of those who form a majority on one question, may become the minority on a second, and an association dissimilar to either may constitute the majority on a third. Hence the necessity of moulding and arranging all the particulars which are to compose the whole, in such a manner as to satisfy all the parties to the compact; and hence, also, an immense multiplication of difficulties and casualties in obtaining the collective assent to a final act. The degree of that multiplication must evidently be in a ratio to the number of particulars and the number of parties.
But every amendment to the Constitution, if once established, would be a single proposition, and might be brought forward singly. There would then be no necessity for management or compromise, in relation to any other point no giving nor taking. The will of the requisite number would at once bring the matter to a decisive issue. And consequently, whenever nine, or rather ten States, were united in the desire of a particular amendment, that amendment must infallibly take place. There can, therefore, be no comparison between the facility of affecting an amendment, and that of establishing in the first instance a complete Constitution.
In opposition to the probability of subsequent amendments, it has been urged that the persons delegated to the administration of the national government will always be disinclined to yield up any portion of the authority of which they were once possessed. For my own part I acknowledge a thorough conviction that any amendments which may, upon mature consideration, be thought useful, will be applicable to the organization of the government, not to the mass of its powers; and on this account alone, I think there is no weight in the observation just stated. I also think there is little weight in it on another account. The intrinsic difficulty of governing thirteen States at any rate, independent of calculations upon an ordinary degree of public spirit and integrity, will, in my opinion constantly impose on the national rulers the necessity of a spirit of accommodation to the reasonable expectations of their constituents. But there is yet a further consideration, which proves beyond the possibility of a doubt, that the observation is futile. It is this that the national rulers, whenever nine States concur, will have no option upon the subject. By the fifth article of the plan, the Congress will be obliged ``on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the States which at present amount to nine, to call a convention for proposing amendments, which shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of the Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the States, or by conventions in three fourths thereof.'' The words of this article are peremptory. The Congress ``shall call a convention.'' Nothing in this particular is left to the discretion of that body. And of consequence, all the declamation about the disinclination to a change vanishes in air. Nor however difficult it may be supposed to unite two thirds or three fourths of the State legislatures, in amendments which may affect local interests, can there be any room to apprehend any such difficulty in a union on points which are merely relative to the general liberty or security of the people. We may safely rely on the disposition of the State legislatures to erect barriers against the encroachments of the national authority.
If the foregoing argument is a fallacy, certain it is that I am myself deceived by it, for it is, in my conception, one of those rare instances in which a political truth can be brought to the test of a mathematical demonstration. Those who see the matter in the same light with me, however zealous they may be for amendments, must agree in the propriety of a previous adoption, as the most direct road to their own object.
The zeal for attempts to amend, prior to the establishment of the Constitution, must abate in every man who is ready to accede to the truth of the following observations of a writer equally solid and ingenious: ``To balance a large state or society, says he, whether monarchical or republican, on general laws, is a work of so great difficulty, that no human genius, however comprehensive, is able, by the mere dint of reason and reflection, to effect it. The judgments of many must unite in the work; experience must guide their labor; time must bring it to perfection, and the feeling of inconveniences must correct the mistakes which they inevitably fall into in their first trials and experiments.'(Hume's ``Essays,'' vol. i., page 128: ``The Rise of Arts and Sciences.') These judicious reflections contain a lesson of moderation to all the sincere lovers of the Union, and ought to put them upon their guard against hazarding anarchy, civil war, a perpetual alienation of the States from each other, and perhaps the military despotism of a victorious demagogue, in the pursuit of what they are not likely to obtain, but from time and experience. It may be in me a defect of political fortitude, but I acknowledge that I cannot entertain an equal tranquillity with those who affect to treat the dangers of a longer continuance in our present situation as imaginary. A nation, without a national government, is, in my view, an awful spectacle. The establishment of a Constitution, in time of profound peace, by the voluntary ocnsent of a whole people, is a prodigy, to the completion of which I look forward with trembling anxiety. I can reconcile it to no rules of prudence to let go the hold we now have, in so arduous an enterprise, upon seven out of the thirteen States, and after having passed over so considerable a part of the ground, to recommence the course. I dread the more the consequences of new attempts, because I know that powerful individuals, in this and in other States, are enemies to a general national government in every possible shape.
[/hider]
<div style="white-space:pre-wrap;"><div class="hider-panel"><div class="hider-heading"><button type="button" class="btn btn-default btn-xs hider-button" data-name="World in Madness: Hunt for an Arbiter">World in Madness: Hunt for an Arbiter [+]</button></div><div class="hider-body" style="display: none">I am currently looking for arbiters for a new roleplay I am launching, World in Madness. The basic pitch is as follows:<br><br>You are the executive administration of a modern nation emerging from a bitter global cataclysm. It is your task to sway a cynical populace toward your ideals and navigate a world polarized by ideologues and threatened by the specter of the apocalypse. You will guide your the broken remains of a state and reforge the ashes into a bright dawn. <br><br>The setting is most aptly described as a roughly dieselpunk-apocalyptic setting heavily augmented by the physics and patterns of our own world. Various superweapons beyond nuclear technology will eventually be available, some of which will not be strictly scientific.<br><br>In the initial application phase, interested parties will send in the manifestos of their administration, and then be returned key events in their historical timeline that tie them to the rest of the world. In the final application phase, prospects send in a comprehensive information sheet including their administration's view of their history. After this, a full public and private national information sheet will be assembled with the information the interested has given and a full report of their nations inner workings.<br><br>Posts are from the perspective of primary sources in the nation, often state newspapers and required readings, although possibly more independent sources. As such, no post is ever considered actual canon. Two sides can both claim they won a conflict when in reality they tied. Very little minusha-moderation is required, as it is completely possible that multiple primary sources claim different versions of events.<br><br>As a note about my personal directing style, I do enforce minimum word counts and a strict style guide. Given such, I have never had to kick anybody for bad writing; only because they broke hard rules. If you are extremely uncomfortable with the idea of word minimums, this may not be the place to inquire. I try to be fair with the actual numbers; they are standards of effort rather than results. Until I see proof that less quantity leads to higher quality, I also won't buy any bit about quality over quantity. If you have further questions on stylistics than what is covered here, feel free to ask.<br><br>The roleplay is a competitive one, although not one that will permit blatant rudeness toward any arbitration. High spirits are to be expected but respect is demanded.<br><br>In an arbiter, I'm looking for somebody above all committed to creating an immersive and compelling experience. No particular skillset is required, although arbiters will be tasked with interpreting player agendas and formulating results and player information sheets. Some experience with GMing in the past (even if not forum-based or NRPs) is preferred although not required. In addition, one of the chief roles of arbiters is creative development, and in this it should be noted that I am rarely looking for an argument so much as case to be made for a change and/or a diagnosis of an issue. Respecting a design process is key here. Finally, the role of an arbiter also extends into keeping the OOC community active. It is my personal experience that groups of any size live or die based on their OOC activity and bonds with one another, even over the internet.<br><br>If you're interested, please say so. I have a fledgling discord set up but if you aren't really sure you want to take the plunge then PMing me or just asking questions is likely the best course of action.<br><br>Concept art:<br>Title: <img src="http://i.imgur.com/ICan37F.png" /><br>Discord Icon: <img src="http://i.imgur.com/GV5YN5C.png" /><br>Chalam System: <img src="http://i.imgur.com/NwkiTia.png" /><br>(Chalam system, from left to right: Shemensh, the star, Nagah, the stellar satellite, Sheol the Red Planet, Kokhav, Homeworld, Levanah her moon, Shamayhim the Blue Planet, Madim the Gas Giant, her moon the silent Shabbatai, and the Kesil Belt.)<br>Preliminary Physical Map: <img src="http://i.imgur.com/nn40c6D.png" /></div></div><br><br><div class="hider-panel"><div class="hider-heading"><button type="button" class="btn btn-default btn-xs hider-button" data-name="The Last of the Federalist Papers">The Last of the Federalist Papers [+]</button></div><div class="hider-body" style="display: none">ACCORDING to the formal division of the subject of these papers, announced in my first number, there would appear still to remain for discussion two points: ``the analogy of the proposed government to your own State constitution,'' and ``the additional security which its adoption will afford to republican government, to liberty, and to property.'' But these heads have been so fully anticipated and exhausted in the progress of the work, that it would now scarcely be possible to do any thing more than repeat, in a more dilated form, what has been heretofore said, which the advanced stage of the question, and the time already spent upon it, conspire to forbid.<br><br>It is remarkable, that the resemblance of the plan of the convention to the act which organizes the government of this State holds, not less with regard to many of the supposed defects, than to the real excellences of the former. Among the pretended defects are the re-eligibility of the Executive, the want of a council, the omission of a formal bill of rights, the omission of a provision respecting the liberty of the press. These and several others which have been noted in the course of our inquiries are as much chargeable on the existing constitution of this State, as on the one proposed for the Union; and a man must have slender pretensions to consistency, who can rail at the latter for imperfections which he finds no difficulty in excusing in the former. Nor indeed can there be a better proof of the insincerity and affectation of some of the zealous adversaries of the plan of the convention among us, who profess to be the devoted admirers of the government under which they live, than the fury with which they have attacked that plan, for matters in regard to which our own constitution is equally or perhaps more vulnerable.<br><br>The additional securities to republican government, to liberty and to property, to be derived from the adoption of the plan under consideration, consist chiefly in the restraints which the preservation of the Union will impose on local factions and insurrections, and on the ambition of powerful individuals in single States, who may acquire credit and influence enough, from leaders and favorites, to become the despots of the people; in the diminution of the opportunities to foreign intrigue, which the dissolution of the Confederacy would invite and facilitate; in the prevention of extensive military establishments, which could not fail to grow out of wars between the States in a disunited situation; in the express guaranty of a republican form of government to each; in the absolute and universal exclusion of titles of nobility; and in the precautions against the repetition of those practices on the part of the State governments which have undermined the foundations of property and credit, have planted mutual distrust in the breasts of all classes of citizens, and have occasioned an almost universal prostration of morals.<br><br>Thus have I, fellow-citizens, executed the task I had assigned to myself; with what success, your conduct must determine. I trust at least you will admit that I have not failed in the assurance I gave you respecting the spirit with which my endeavors should be conducted. I have addressed myself purely to your judgments, and have studiously avoided those asperities which are too apt to disgrace political disputants of all parties, and which have been not a little provoked by the language and conduct of the opponents of the Constitution. The charge of a conspiracy against the liberties of the people, which has been indiscriminately brought against the advocates of the plan, has something in it too wanton and too malignant, not to excite the indignation of every man who feels in his own bosom a refutation of the calumny. The perpetual changes which have been rung upon the wealthy, the well-born, and the great, have been such as to inspire the disgust of all sensible men. And the unwarrantable concealments and misrepresentations which have been in various ways practiced to keep the truth from the public eye, have been of a nature to demand the reprobation of all honest men. It is not impossible that these circumstances may have occasionally betrayed me into intemperances of expression which I did not intend; it is certain that I have frequently felt a struggle between sensibility and moderation; and if the former has in some instances prevailed, it must be my excuse that it has been neither often nor much.<br><br>Let us now pause and ask ourselves whether, in the course of these papers, the proposed Constitution has not been satisfactorily vindicated from the aspersions thrown upon it; and whether it has not been shown to be worthy of the public approbation, and necessary to the public safety and prosperity. Every man is bound to answer these questions to himself, according to the best of his conscience and understanding, and to act agreeably to the genuine and sober dictates of his judgment. This is a duty from which nothing can give him a dispensation. 'T is one that he is called upon, nay, constrained by all the obligations that form the bands of society, to discharge sincerely and honestly. No partial motive, no particular interest, no pride of opinion, no temporary passion or prejudice, will justify to himself, to his country, or to his posterity, an improper election of the part he is to act. Let him beware of an obstinate adherence to party; let him reflect that the object upon which he is to decide is not a particular interest of the community, but the very existence of the nation; and let him remember that a majority of America has already given its sanction to the plan which he is to approve or reject.<br><br>I shall not dissemble that I feel an entire confidence in the arguments which recommend the proposed system to your adoption, and that I am unable to discern any real force in those by which it has been opposed. I am persuaded that it is the best which our political situation, habits, and opinions will admit, and superior to any the revolution has produced.<br><br>Concessions on the part of the friends of the plan, that it has not a claim to absolute perfection, have afforded matter of no small triumph to its enemies. ``Why,'' say they, ``should we adopt an imperfect thing? Why not amend it and make it perfect before it is irrevocably established?'' This may be plausible enough, but it is only plausible. In the first place I remark, that the extent of these concessions has been greatly exaggerated. They have been stated as amounting to an admission that the plan is radically defective, and that without material alterations the rights and the interests of the community cannot be safely confided to it. This, as far as I have understood the meaning of those who make the concessions, is an entire perversion of their sense. No advocate of the measure can be found, who will not declare as his sentiment, that the system, though it may not be perfect in every part, is, upon the whole, a good one; is the best that the present views and circumstances of the country will permit; and is such an one as promises every species of security which a reasonable people can desire.<br><br>I answer in the next place, that I should esteem it the extreme of imprudence to prolong the precarious state of our national affairs, and to expose the Union to the jeopardy of successive experiments, in the chimerical pursuit of a perfect plan. I never expect to see a perfect work from imperfect man. The result of the deliberations of all collective bodies must necessarily be a compound, as well of the errors and prejudices, as of the good sense and wisdom, of the individuals of whom they are composed. The compacts which are to embrace thirteen distinct States in a common bond of amity and union, must as necessarily be a compromise of as many dissimilar interests and inclinations. How can perfection spring from such materials?<br><br>The reasons assigned in an excellent little pamphlet lately published in this city, are unanswerable to show the utter improbability of assembling a new convention, under circumstances in any degree so favorable to a happy issue, as those in which the late convention met, deliberated, and concluded. I will not repeat the arguments there used, as I presume the production itself has had an extensive circulation. It is certainly well worthy the perusal of every friend to his country. There is, however, one point of light in which the subject of amendments still remains to be considered, and in which it has not yet been exhibited to public view. I cannot resolve to conclude without first taking a survey of it in this aspect.<br><br>It appears to me susceptible of absolute demonstration, that it will be far more easy to obtain subsequent than previous amendments to the Constitution. The moment an alteration is made in the present plan, it becomes, to the purpose of adoption, a new one, and must undergo a new decision of each State. To its complete establishment throughout the Union, it will therefore require the concurrence of thirteen States. If, on the contrary, the Constitution proposed should once be ratified by all the States as it stands, alterations in it may at any time be effected by nine States. Here, then, the chances are as thirteen to ten in favor of subsequent amendment, rather than of the original adoption of an entire system.<br><br>This is not all. Every Constitution for the United States must inevitably consist of a great variety of particulars, in which thirteen independent States are to be accommodated in their interests or opinions of interest. We may of course expect to see, in any body of men charged with its original formation, very different combinations of the parts upon different points. Many of those who form a majority on one question, may become the minority on a second, and an association dissimilar to either may constitute the majority on a third. Hence the necessity of moulding and arranging all the particulars which are to compose the whole, in such a manner as to satisfy all the parties to the compact; and hence, also, an immense multiplication of difficulties and casualties in obtaining the collective assent to a final act. The degree of that multiplication must evidently be in a ratio to the number of particulars and the number of parties.<br><br>But every amendment to the Constitution, if once established, would be a single proposition, and might be brought forward singly. There would then be no necessity for management or compromise, in relation to any other point no giving nor taking. The will of the requisite number would at once bring the matter to a decisive issue. And consequently, whenever nine, or rather ten States, were united in the desire of a particular amendment, that amendment must infallibly take place. There can, therefore, be no comparison between the facility of affecting an amendment, and that of establishing in the first instance a complete Constitution.<br><br>In opposition to the probability of subsequent amendments, it has been urged that the persons delegated to the administration of the national government will always be disinclined to yield up any portion of the authority of which they were once possessed. For my own part I acknowledge a thorough conviction that any amendments which may, upon mature consideration, be thought useful, will be applicable to the organization of the government, not to the mass of its powers; and on this account alone, I think there is no weight in the observation just stated. I also think there is little weight in it on another account. The intrinsic difficulty of governing thirteen States at any rate, independent of calculations upon an ordinary degree of public spirit and integrity, will, in my opinion constantly impose on the national rulers the necessity of a spirit of accommodation to the reasonable expectations of their constituents. But there is yet a further consideration, which proves beyond the possibility of a doubt, that the observation is futile. It is this that the national rulers, whenever nine States concur, will have no option upon the subject. By the fifth article of the plan, the Congress will be obliged ``on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the States which at present amount to nine, to call a convention for proposing amendments, which shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of the Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the States, or by conventions in three fourths thereof.'' The words of this article are peremptory. The Congress ``shall call a convention.'' Nothing in this particular is left to the discretion of that body. And of consequence, all the declamation about the disinclination to a change vanishes in air. Nor however difficult it may be supposed to unite two thirds or three fourths of the State legislatures, in amendments which may affect local interests, can there be any room to apprehend any such difficulty in a union on points which are merely relative to the general liberty or security of the people. We may safely rely on the disposition of the State legislatures to erect barriers against the encroachments of the national authority.<br><br>If the foregoing argument is a fallacy, certain it is that I am myself deceived by it, for it is, in my conception, one of those rare instances in which a political truth can be brought to the test of a mathematical demonstration. Those who see the matter in the same light with me, however zealous they may be for amendments, must agree in the propriety of a previous adoption, as the most direct road to their own object.<br><br>The zeal for attempts to amend, prior to the establishment of the Constitution, must abate in every man who is ready to accede to the truth of the following observations of a writer equally solid and ingenious: ``To balance a large state or society, says he, whether monarchical or republican, on general laws, is a work of so great difficulty, that no human genius, however comprehensive, is able, by the mere dint of reason and reflection, to effect it. The judgments of many must unite in the work; experience must guide their labor; time must bring it to perfection, and the feeling of inconveniences must correct the mistakes which they inevitably fall into in their first trials and experiments.'(Hume's ``Essays,'' vol. i., page 128: ``The Rise of Arts and Sciences.') These judicious reflections contain a lesson of moderation to all the sincere lovers of the Union, and ought to put them upon their guard against hazarding anarchy, civil war, a perpetual alienation of the States from each other, and perhaps the military despotism of a victorious demagogue, in the pursuit of what they are not likely to obtain, but from time and experience. It may be in me a defect of political fortitude, but I acknowledge that I cannot entertain an equal tranquillity with those who affect to treat the dangers of a longer continuance in our present situation as imaginary. A nation, without a national government, is, in my view, an awful spectacle. The establishment of a Constitution, in time of profound peace, by the voluntary ocnsent of a whole people, is a prodigy, to the completion of which I look forward with trembling anxiety. I can reconcile it to no rules of prudence to let go the hold we now have, in so arduous an enterprise, upon seven out of the thirteen States, and after having passed over so considerable a part of the ground, to recommence the course. I dread the more the consequences of new attempts, because I know that powerful individuals, in this and in other States, are enemies to a general national government in every possible shape.</div></div><br></div>
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